A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE ...

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BACKGROUND c) Aazhawakiwenzhiinh gii-izhinikaazo. Aazhawakiwenzhiinh he was named so <strong>TO</strong>PIC 2 BACKGROUND d) Miish iko waasa, ingii-taamin Gabekanaansing gii-izhi-wiinde. DM used to far we lived there At the End of the Trail it was named so <strong>TO</strong>PIC 3 EVENT e) Miish a’aw akiwenzii gigizheb onishkaad, babiichiid, aniibiish DM that old man morning he gets up he puts his shoes on tea gashkibidood, ziinzibaakwad miinawaa bangii he ties up sugar and a little bakwezhiganan, ezhi-bimoondang. bread and packs it on his back a) ‘We had a certain old man staying with us. b) He was the old lady’s brother. c) His name was Aazhawakiwenzhiinh. d) We used to live far away at Portage Lake which was called Gabekanaansing ‘At the End of the Trail’. e) The old man got up in the morning, put his moccasins on, tied up some tea, sugar, and a little bread, and packed it on his back.’ The first three lines in (54a-c) bring up the first topic, i.e. the old man; (54d) introduces the second topic, i.e. that the speaker and the old man used to live at Portage Lake; and (54e) introduces the third topic, i.e. the old man’s daily travels. Note that the event structures associated with these topics are not linked by idash, nor by miinawaa (except clause internally where there is coordination), but by asyndetic connection. Note also that while the first topic is not accented by idash, the last two topics in (54d,e) are. This general pattern exhibited in this excerpt prevails through the whole story, and serves as a major pattern for stories in general. 106
3.1.2.1.1 Digressions There is further evidence for this contrasting feature of idash within discourse in the form of discourse digressions or discourse asides, marking discourse which is not relevant to the flow of the narrative. Discourse marked by idash in these cases, usually allow the speaker to give a quick background detail in order to contextualize immediate upcoming talk. Note how idash only breaks the flow of prior discourse in order to perform this function. This is shown in the following examples. (55) idash in digressions (Kegg 1991:104-105) a) Ingoding igo aabanaabiyaan gaa-biijibatood enda-gichi-ginoozi pretty soon EMPH I look back who was running toward me he is very tall a’aw inini. that man b) Imbiminizha’og, gichi-enigok maajiibatooyaan. he’s chasing me real hard I started running c) Ziibiins imaa bimitigweyaa, mitig imaa aazhawaakoshing, mitigoog igo niizh. creek there it flows by log there lying across logs EMPH two d) Gaawiin-sh igo aapiji dimiisinoon i'iw ziibiins, aazhawigaaziibatooyaan but not EMPH very not deep that creek I wade across running miinawaa ezhi-aabanaabamag. and then I look back at him e) Enda-gichi-mindido. he is quite big f) Mii go ezhi-aazhawigwaashkwanid imaa ziibiinsing, gichi-enigok DP EMPH then he jumps across there at the creek real hard bimibatooyaan. I run 107
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OJIBWE DISCOURSE MARKERS A DISSERTA
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Acknowledgements I am indebted to t
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For the elders at Mille Lacs and fo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgements
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1.0 Introduction and background In
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influenced by this already existing
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While many speakers from other Minn
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discussed within the body of this t
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use as they occurred in real time w
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‘someone’s fingernail’ (see N
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In some cases, however, where a nar
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adherence to the rule suggested her
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To further compound an already comp
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conjunction and (in sentence level
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DMs function in relation to aspects
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d) But, I went into the army (p. 15
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(7) Marker because (Schiffrin 1987:
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In (9a), because connects two actio
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their referential and/or grammatica
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communicator presents just enough e
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“[i]nferential comprehension invo
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Elements which do not relate some s
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1990:391). Since most researchers a
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inventory is replete with an array
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(12) Sentence-final 21 a) Korean (P
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2.3.2 Clitics and affixes As it tur
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lead to the man’s death. Relevant
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internal evaluation, denoting main
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interpersonal discourse markers can
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(18) Spanish ya (Koike 1996:275-276
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occur in a variety of non-initial p
Page 63 and 64: (Bazzanella 1990:633 for insomma),
Page 65 and 66: via the processes of tense, aspect,
Page 67 and 68: which is the core defining feature
Page 69 and 70: so that the discourse happens in on
Page 71 and 72: 3.1 Discourse connectives 3.1.1 Ini
Page 73 and 74: c) Nashke! AT ‘Look!, See!, Liste
Page 75 and 76: speaker to set that information off
Page 77 and 78: ) Shke, wa’aw nookomisiban mii-ko
Page 79 and 80: ) Nashke azhigwa eni-apiitiziyaan,
Page 81 and 82: predicted event. In (29b), the spea
Page 83 and 84: two subordinate verb phrases (subor
Page 85 and 86: a) ‘“Nobody will live there on
Page 87 and 88: (34) English discourse marker and a
Page 89 and 90: (36) miinawaa (Kegg 1991:152-153) a
Page 91 and 92: 1987:128). A quick scan of the Ojib
Page 93 and 94: Minnesota dialect) appears not to h
Page 95 and 96: 3.1.1.4 dibishkoo In the dictionary
Page 97 and 98: The use of dibishkoo in both exampl
Page 99 and 100: ge-miinigooyang. that we’ll be gi
Page 101 and 102: c) Giwiisin. d) Mii wiisiniyan. (in
Page 103 and 104: (47) Discourse sequencer (Benjamin
Page 105 and 106: the sentence level within the disco
Page 107 and 108: Note that in (49a,c) where the exam
Page 109 and 110: selecting a contrastive relationshi
Page 111 and 112: eak from further elaboration within
Page 113: In the stories examined for this th
Page 117 and 118: f) “Mii imaa iniw ozidan, bakaan
Page 119 and 120: preceding clause sang spiritual son
Page 121 and 122: (59) idash (Clark 1998:8, audio) a)
Page 123 and 124: make use of the coordinator miinawa
Page 125 and 126: (62) Relative roots invoke initial
Page 127 and 128: advance a narrative to the next eve
Page 129 and 130: knowledge of their use, but because
Page 131 and 132: some time and effort trying to figu
Page 133 and 134: spots on your fingernails’, giga-
Page 135 and 136: c) Mii-gegaa gii-pi-niboyaan. so-al
Page 137 and 138: outside the imperative construction
Page 139 and 140: (71) Justifying function of aaniish
Page 141 and 142: (72) Extra-topical background infor
Page 143 and 144: speaker was given a new horse, and
Page 145 and 146: 3.2.2.1.1 isa as a marker of closin
Page 147 and 148: 3.2.2.1.2 isa as a marker of relinq
Page 149 and 150: descriptions, however, are not impo
Page 151 and 152: 3.2.2.1.4 isa as a marker of result
Page 153 and 154: The initial event in (81a-b) is the
Page 155 and 156: Another example of this usage appea
Page 157 and 158: (84) isa (Jones 1917:4-5) a) O’ow
Page 159 and 160: speaker to exert and validate the I
Page 161 and 162: the speaker, once a topic or event
Page 163 and 164: Though the English translation does
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accompanies the expression and prov
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Not captured in (92a) is Speaker A
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In (93d), Speaker C, not yet knowin
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Here, sha reveals the unreasonablen
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(97) gosha (Kegg 1991:104-105) a) M
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an interjection (i.e. a discourse r
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a) ‘A girl and her grandmother we
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) Wegonen da? INTER CP ‘What now?
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) Ojibwemon bina naa! speak Ojibwe
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(106) bina within jussive construct
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(108) bina (text communication) a)
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eference to time (although time is
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speakers to speak about topics with
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c) Baanimaa igo naa wenji-gizhibaab
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The little girl in this story was t
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wants to express the equivalent of
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naa has the force of the English lo
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The first token of naa in (120a) ap
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weight of the English damn it, they
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going to eat, as independent order
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Here, the individual uses of both d
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The uncle’s initial utterance to
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4.0 Conjunct order as a discourse m
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The verbs in bold type in (131a) an
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conjoin larger discourse units abov
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The subordinate nature of the conju
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conjunct gii-pabanaazomag is not ac
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4.1.3 Situational immediacy There i
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mark these events as being more sal
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d) Chi-ayizhinoo’oyangid iw. very
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c) Haaw niinawind imbaapi’idimin
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without izhi remain as plain conjun
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jiigikana imbaapi’idimin niinawin
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verb. If carrying eventline informa
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d) They got around in boats. e) The
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describe these elements (which in i
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existed (and it might), it would be
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REFERENCES Abraham, Werner. 1991. D
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Clark, James. 1998. Oshkaabewis Nat
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Jucker, Andreas H. and Sara W. Smit
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Rhodes, Richard 1979. Some aspects
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Wilson, Deirdre. 1994. Discourse ma
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