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without izhi remain as plain conjuncts. The verbs involved with the event line occur in<br />

bold type.<br />

(140) izhi invokes initial change (Kegg 1991:104-105)<br />

a) Mii imaa ani-biminizha’oyangid.<br />

DP there start-chase.3>1P/CONJ<br />

b) Wayiiba azhigwa imaa biindigeyaang.<br />

soon now there we come inside/CONJ<br />

c) Aaniish naa zegiziyaan ezhi-mawiyaan imaa biminizha’od.<br />

well ----------- I am scared/CONJ IC.then I cry/CONJ there that s/he is chasing me/CONJ<br />

c) “Gidaano-inin ji-wewiibishkaayan,” indig.<br />

I tried to tell you to hurry up she tells me<br />

e) Mii go imaa ba-izhi-biindiged a’aw gichi-animosh, gaa-izhi-biindiged<br />

that EMPH there IC.come-RR-enter.3/CONJ that big dog IC.PAST-RR-enter.3/CONJ<br />

a’aw animosh.<br />

that dog<br />

a) ‘It started following us.<br />

b) In a little while we went inside.<br />

c) Well, I was scared and crying at being followed there.<br />

d) “I told you to hurry,” she said to me.<br />

e) That big dog came right in, that dog came right in.’<br />

The mii-clauses, mii imaa ani-biminizha’oyangid in (140a) and mii go imaa ba-izhi-<br />

biindiged in (140e) are particularly revealing, since they show similar syntactic<br />

environments from which to make a comparison. For example, in the mii-clause without<br />

izhi in (140a), the preverbal element ani- ‘starts’ is left intact, while the preverbal element<br />

bi- ‘come’ housed within the mii-clause in (140b) undergoes initial change to ba-. In<br />

219

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