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originating from discourse processes. Therefore, whether or not a suspected marker has<br />

tonic stress or not cannot be a viable test for its status as a discourse marker. 31<br />

Based upon the cross-linguistic behavior of discourse markers, I propose the<br />

following definition for what expressions may serve as discourse markers, updating<br />

Schiffrin’s prior tentative definition.<br />

(19) Definition of discourse markers, an update<br />

Any linguistic expression, whether it be a word, particle, lexicalized phrase, affix, or<br />

TAM system, or whatever, may serve as a discourse marker, or discourse marking<br />

device, if it operates at both local and global levels of discourse (i.e. bracketing<br />

power), and operates on different planes of discourse (i.e. serves some discourse<br />

function), contributing to either textual coherence or interpersonal/epistemic<br />

meanings, or both simultaneously.<br />

This definition essentially eliminates the first three requirements initially put forth by<br />

Schiffrin (1987) since they are not substantiated by cross-linguistic data, namely, that<br />

discourse markers be syntactically detached from a sentence, that they occur in initial<br />

position, and that they have a range of prosodic contours. Note also that this definition<br />

necessarily extends the status of discourse markers (or as I prefer to refer to this process,<br />

“discourse marking”) to include TAM forms as well, if those forms are used for discourse<br />

work, e.g. creating textual cohesion. In this way, it is the manner in which words are cast<br />

31<br />

Unless what is meant by Schiffrin’s observation that a marker “have a range of prosodic contours” is that<br />

discourse markers show or exhibit a range of contours, such as appearing as stressed or not stressed. Then,<br />

the cross-linguistic data does support this. It is unclear to me, however, how this helps to determine<br />

whether an expression is a discourse marker or not. This was not made clear in her original 1987 work<br />

either. In my research, whether there was a significant pause or not occurring directly after markers did not<br />

appear to be diagnostic either. For languages like Ojibwe which make heavy use of affixes, pauses would<br />

not be a significant factor in their determination as discourse markers, nor have I found any differences<br />

between those markers which exhibited pauses, and those that did not.<br />

56

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