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1990:391). Since most researchers agree that discourse markers must be described at a<br />

level of discourse above the sentence level (see also Blakemore 2004:221), it is odd that<br />

oh would be excluded as a discourse marker when oh serves a discourse function – to<br />

express the emotional state of the speaker. Others, such as Aijmer and Simon-<br />

Vandenbergen, have since followed Fraser by making a formal distinction between<br />

discourse markers and pragmatic markers, in that, they consider discourse markers to be a<br />

subclass of pragmatic markers, which function only to “mark coherence relations”; and<br />

pragmatic markers, to be the “signals in the communication situation guiding the<br />

addressee’s interpretation” (see Aijmer and Simon-Vandenbergen 2006:2-3).<br />

What I find equally unattractive about Fraser’s approach is that because he (and now<br />

others) does not include interpersonal type markers into his inventory of “discourse<br />

markers,” he is forced to create various classes of “pragmatic” markers in order to<br />

account for a multitude of expressions which all appear to work at a level above the<br />

sentence. In short, since they all appear to serve some discourse function, why not call<br />

them all discourse markers? Also, one overreaching consequence of his approach is that<br />

the “multiple functions of markers – including, critically, social interactional functions –<br />

are downplayed (if noted at all) and not open to linguistic explanation” (Schiffrin<br />

2003:59). The result is that analyses such as those espoused by Fraser (and others), miss,<br />

I believe, the central defining characteristic of discourse markers: their multifunctionality<br />

on different planes of discourse. “It is this multifunctionality on different planes of<br />

discourse that helps to integrate the many different simultaneous processes underlying the<br />

constructions of discourse, and thus helps to create coherence” (Schiffrin 2003:58).<br />

37

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