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d) But, I went into the army (p. 155)<br />

e) Or some good uh:… very good literature. (p. 179)<br />

f) So, yeh, she would hit kids with a ruler. (p. 199)<br />

g) Because the Jewish people are the most liberal minded people in the world. (p. 213)<br />

h) Now our street isn’t that nice. (p. 231)<br />

i) Then when they went ho-off eh for their nap, I:- (p. 251)<br />

j) Y’know when you get older, you just don’t keep socializing anymore. (p. 277)<br />

k) I mean let’s get married! (p. 297)<br />

Examining these various examples, it is easy to see that Schiffrin’s criteria for what<br />

would allow an expression to be used as a marker are based upon the distribution of the<br />

markers occurring in her data. For example, her discourse markers all appear on the<br />

periphery of the sentence in such a manner that they remain “independent of sentential<br />

structure” (Schiffrin 1983:32). According to her, this means that their removal from the<br />

sentence “leaves the sentence structure intact” (Schiffrin 1987:32). It is in this manner<br />

that Schiffrin’s discourse markers are “detachable from a sentence.”<br />

Their positional distribution reveals that Schiffrin’s markers appear predominantly in<br />

initial position. While this appears to be the common position for her markers, the<br />

markers then and y’know may also occur in other positions. For example, she notes that<br />

then may occur utterance initial and utterance final, but states that “initial then has wider<br />

scope as a discourse marker than final then” (Schiffrin 1987:247). She also notes that<br />

most of the tokens of then in her corpus were usually preceded by other markers (see<br />

Schiffrin 1987:247 for discussion). For y’know, Schiffrin’s examples show that while<br />

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