A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE ...

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speaker), a reality that the speaker perceives as not being visible to interlocutors. Many times, this revelation of reality has a relieving effect if the information that gosha is accenting is found out to be contextually benign in nature where it was once thought to be malignant. Also, while gosha is similar to sha in its revealing feature, it differs from sha in that speakers do not use gosha to in order to censure interlocutors. 3.2.2.4 da Mystery particle da is nicknamed here as the “clarification particle”, since it has a clarifying function. When speakers use this particle, they are asking for information that they missed in previous conversation. Its use is similar to the use of again in English for the same function, e.g. What is your name again? Though da in Ojibwe and the use of again in English have similar functions, their individual meanings are not the same, e.g. da does not mean again in Ojibwe. It is the exacting, or clarifying, nature of da which allows this reading. The clarifying function can be seen with these two examples. When I asked one of the elders a question, she initially did not know that I was speaking to her. Once she realized that I was, she uttered the question in (100b). The example in (100a) gives the common interrogative form for what. (101) Clarification particle da a) Wegonen? INTER ‘What?’ 170
) Wegonen da? INTER CP ‘What now?’ (asking for a repeat of the question) Mystery particle da may be use with other interrogatives as well, having the same function. This is shown below in the following examples provided by my consultants. (102) da with interrogatives a) Aaniin da ezhinikaazoyan? how CP what you are named ‘What is your name again?’ b) Awenen da gaa-ojiimad? who CP who you kissed ‘Who did you kiss again?’ Clarification particle da also functions as an attention-getter, having a function similar to that of hey in English. This function appears to stem from its clarifying or exacting nature. In other words, because da has a core function of honing in on things, it is no surprise that it also functions in getting the attention of others. This function is shown below from a story when a little girl’s uncle wants her to go get a gun to shoot some ducks. 171
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OJIBWE DISCOURSE MARKERS A DISSERTA
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Acknowledgements I am indebted to t
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For the elders at Mille Lacs and fo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgements
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1.0 Introduction and background In
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influenced by this already existing
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While many speakers from other Minn
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discussed within the body of this t
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use as they occurred in real time w
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‘someone’s fingernail’ (see N
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In some cases, however, where a nar
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adherence to the rule suggested her
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To further compound an already comp
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conjunction and (in sentence level
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DMs function in relation to aspects
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d) But, I went into the army (p. 15
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(7) Marker because (Schiffrin 1987:
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In (9a), because connects two actio
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their referential and/or grammatica
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communicator presents just enough e
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“[i]nferential comprehension invo
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Elements which do not relate some s
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1990:391). Since most researchers a
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inventory is replete with an array
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(12) Sentence-final 21 a) Korean (P
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2.3.2 Clitics and affixes As it tur
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lead to the man’s death. Relevant
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internal evaluation, denoting main
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interpersonal discourse markers can
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(18) Spanish ya (Koike 1996:275-276
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occur in a variety of non-initial p
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(Bazzanella 1990:633 for insomma),
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via the processes of tense, aspect,
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which is the core defining feature
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so that the discourse happens in on
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3.1 Discourse connectives 3.1.1 Ini
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c) Nashke! AT ‘Look!, See!, Liste
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speaker to set that information off
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) Shke, wa’aw nookomisiban mii-ko
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) Nashke azhigwa eni-apiitiziyaan,
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predicted event. In (29b), the spea
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two subordinate verb phrases (subor
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a) ‘“Nobody will live there on
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(34) English discourse marker and a
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(36) miinawaa (Kegg 1991:152-153) a
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1987:128). A quick scan of the Ojib
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Minnesota dialect) appears not to h
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3.1.1.4 dibishkoo In the dictionary
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The use of dibishkoo in both exampl
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ge-miinigooyang. that we’ll be gi
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c) Giwiisin. d) Mii wiisiniyan. (in
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(47) Discourse sequencer (Benjamin
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the sentence level within the disco
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Note that in (49a,c) where the exam
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selecting a contrastive relationshi
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eak from further elaboration within
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In the stories examined for this th
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3.1.2.1.1 Digressions There is furt
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f) “Mii imaa iniw ozidan, bakaan
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preceding clause sang spiritual son
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(59) idash (Clark 1998:8, audio) a)
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make use of the coordinator miinawa
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(62) Relative roots invoke initial
Page 127 and 128: advance a narrative to the next eve
Page 129 and 130: knowledge of their use, but because
Page 131 and 132: some time and effort trying to figu
Page 133 and 134: spots on your fingernails’, giga-
Page 135 and 136: c) Mii-gegaa gii-pi-niboyaan. so-al
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Page 139 and 140: (71) Justifying function of aaniish
Page 141 and 142: (72) Extra-topical background infor
Page 143 and 144: speaker was given a new horse, and
Page 145 and 146: 3.2.2.1.1 isa as a marker of closin
Page 147 and 148: 3.2.2.1.2 isa as a marker of relinq
Page 149 and 150: descriptions, however, are not impo
Page 151 and 152: 3.2.2.1.4 isa as a marker of result
Page 153 and 154: The initial event in (81a-b) is the
Page 155 and 156: Another example of this usage appea
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Page 159 and 160: speaker to exert and validate the I
Page 161 and 162: the speaker, once a topic or event
Page 163 and 164: Though the English translation does
Page 165 and 166: accompanies the expression and prov
Page 167 and 168: Not captured in (92a) is Speaker A
Page 169 and 170: In (93d), Speaker C, not yet knowin
Page 171 and 172: Here, sha reveals the unreasonablen
Page 173 and 174: (97) gosha (Kegg 1991:104-105) a) M
Page 175 and 176: an interjection (i.e. a discourse r
Page 177: a) ‘A girl and her grandmother we
Page 181 and 182: ) Ojibwemon bina naa! speak Ojibwe
Page 183 and 184: (106) bina within jussive construct
Page 185 and 186: (108) bina (text communication) a)
Page 187 and 188: eference to time (although time is
Page 189 and 190: speakers to speak about topics with
Page 191 and 192: c) Baanimaa igo naa wenji-gizhibaab
Page 193 and 194: The little girl in this story was t
Page 195 and 196: wants to express the equivalent of
Page 197 and 198: naa has the force of the English lo
Page 199 and 200: The first token of naa in (120a) ap
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Page 203 and 204: going to eat, as independent order
Page 205 and 206: Here, the individual uses of both d
Page 207 and 208: The uncle’s initial utterance to
Page 209 and 210: 4.0 Conjunct order as a discourse m
Page 211 and 212: The verbs in bold type in (131a) an
Page 213 and 214: conjoin larger discourse units abov
Page 215 and 216: The subordinate nature of the conju
Page 217 and 218: conjunct gii-pabanaazomag is not ac
Page 219 and 220: 4.1.3 Situational immediacy There i
Page 221 and 222: mark these events as being more sal
Page 223 and 224: d) Chi-ayizhinoo’oyangid iw. very
Page 225 and 226: c) Haaw niinawind imbaapi’idimin
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jiigikana imbaapi’idimin niinawin
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verb. If carrying eventline informa
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d) They got around in boats. e) The
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describe these elements (which in i
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existed (and it might), it would be
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REFERENCES Abraham, Werner. 1991. D
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Clark, James. 1998. Oshkaabewis Nat
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Jucker, Andreas H. and Sara W. Smit
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Rhodes, Richard 1979. Some aspects
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Wilson, Deirdre. 1994. Discourse ma
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