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(132) Various uses of the conjunct in sentence grammars a) Conjuncts as temporal subordinate clauses (Benjamin 2006, unpublished story) Mewinzha omaa gii-maajii-anokiiyaan gegaa nisimidana daso-biboonagad long ago here PAST-start-work.1/CONJ almost thirty be so many years iw wapii, onzaam niibowagiziwag ingiw bakaan gegoo ezhichigejig. that time too much they are a lot those different thing those who did things ‘A long time ago when I started working here almost thirty years ago, there would be too many people who did things differently.’ b) Conjuncts as complements of predicative words (text communication) Mii ji-bi-de-dagoshinaan oodi Waashtanong nidizhaa. DP FUT-come-enough-arrive.1/CONJ there Washington D.C. I am going there ‘I will be back by then as I’m going to Washington D.C.’ c) Conjuncts as embedded clauses (Mille Lacs Session) Gego anaamimishiken maanaadiziyan. don’t don’t blame me ugly.2/CONJ ‘Don’t blame me that you are ugly.’ In (132a), there is no temporal word meaning when. It is the use of the conjunct here which gives it this temporal meaning. In (132b), the conjunct verb dagoshinaan appears with the predicative element mii, which normally dictates the use of conjunct verbs. In (132c), the conjunct maanaadiziyan functions as an embedded clause. 206
The subordinate nature of the conjunct allows for an array of adjunct clauses, some of which are cause-and-effect, benefactive, or just clausal elaborations. As a translation effect, the translation of such clauses vary widely. Examples provided by my consultants are given below (with the exception of the last example). (133) Adjunct clauses a) Nigii-makadewaas abaasandekeyaan. I got sunburned bask in the sun.1/CONJ ‘I got black from basking in the sun.’ b) Onzaam ina gidaadawin nitaa-ojibwemoyaan. because INTERR I have you beat know how-speak Ojibwe.1/CONJ ‘Just because I got you beat in speaking the language.’ c) Miigwech wiidokawiyan. thank you help.2>1/CONJ ‘Thank you for helping me.’ d) (Kegg 1991:94-95) Mii dash ezhi-gagwejimagwaa, “Aaniin dash i'iw ezhichigeyaan,” and then and so I ask them why exactly that what I am doing waabamaawaad iniw nimanidoominensiman. see-3>4/CONJ that my beads ‘As they looked at my beads, I asked them, “Why am I doing this?”’ 207
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OJIBWE DISCOURSE MARKERS A DISSERTA
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Acknowledgements I am indebted to t
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For the elders at Mille Lacs and fo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgements
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1.0 Introduction and background In
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influenced by this already existing
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While many speakers from other Minn
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discussed within the body of this t
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use as they occurred in real time w
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‘someone’s fingernail’ (see N
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In some cases, however, where a nar
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adherence to the rule suggested her
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To further compound an already comp
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conjunction and (in sentence level
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DMs function in relation to aspects
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d) But, I went into the army (p. 15
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(7) Marker because (Schiffrin 1987:
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In (9a), because connects two actio
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their referential and/or grammatica
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communicator presents just enough e
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“[i]nferential comprehension invo
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Elements which do not relate some s
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1990:391). Since most researchers a
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inventory is replete with an array
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(12) Sentence-final 21 a) Korean (P
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2.3.2 Clitics and affixes As it tur
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lead to the man’s death. Relevant
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internal evaluation, denoting main
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interpersonal discourse markers can
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(18) Spanish ya (Koike 1996:275-276
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occur in a variety of non-initial p
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(Bazzanella 1990:633 for insomma),
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via the processes of tense, aspect,
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which is the core defining feature
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so that the discourse happens in on
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3.1 Discourse connectives 3.1.1 Ini
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c) Nashke! AT ‘Look!, See!, Liste
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speaker to set that information off
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) Shke, wa’aw nookomisiban mii-ko
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) Nashke azhigwa eni-apiitiziyaan,
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predicted event. In (29b), the spea
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two subordinate verb phrases (subor
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a) ‘“Nobody will live there on
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(34) English discourse marker and a
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(36) miinawaa (Kegg 1991:152-153) a
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1987:128). A quick scan of the Ojib
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Minnesota dialect) appears not to h
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3.1.1.4 dibishkoo In the dictionary
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The use of dibishkoo in both exampl
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ge-miinigooyang. that we’ll be gi
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c) Giwiisin. d) Mii wiisiniyan. (in
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(47) Discourse sequencer (Benjamin
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the sentence level within the disco
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Note that in (49a,c) where the exam
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selecting a contrastive relationshi
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eak from further elaboration within
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In the stories examined for this th
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3.1.2.1.1 Digressions There is furt
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f) “Mii imaa iniw ozidan, bakaan
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preceding clause sang spiritual son
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(59) idash (Clark 1998:8, audio) a)
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make use of the coordinator miinawa
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(62) Relative roots invoke initial
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advance a narrative to the next eve
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knowledge of their use, but because
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some time and effort trying to figu
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spots on your fingernails’, giga-
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c) Mii-gegaa gii-pi-niboyaan. so-al
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outside the imperative construction
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(71) Justifying function of aaniish
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(72) Extra-topical background infor
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speaker was given a new horse, and
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3.2.2.1.1 isa as a marker of closin
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3.2.2.1.2 isa as a marker of relinq
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descriptions, however, are not impo
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3.2.2.1.4 isa as a marker of result
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The initial event in (81a-b) is the
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Another example of this usage appea
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(84) isa (Jones 1917:4-5) a) O’ow
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speaker to exert and validate the I
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the speaker, once a topic or event
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Page 165 and 166: accompanies the expression and prov
Page 167 and 168: Not captured in (92a) is Speaker A
Page 169 and 170: In (93d), Speaker C, not yet knowin
Page 171 and 172: Here, sha reveals the unreasonablen
Page 173 and 174: (97) gosha (Kegg 1991:104-105) a) M
Page 175 and 176: an interjection (i.e. a discourse r
Page 177 and 178: a) ‘A girl and her grandmother we
Page 179 and 180: ) Wegonen da? INTER CP ‘What now?
Page 181 and 182: ) Ojibwemon bina naa! speak Ojibwe
Page 183 and 184: (106) bina within jussive construct
Page 185 and 186: (108) bina (text communication) a)
Page 187 and 188: eference to time (although time is
Page 189 and 190: speakers to speak about topics with
Page 191 and 192: c) Baanimaa igo naa wenji-gizhibaab
Page 193 and 194: The little girl in this story was t
Page 195 and 196: wants to express the equivalent of
Page 197 and 198: naa has the force of the English lo
Page 199 and 200: The first token of naa in (120a) ap
Page 201 and 202: weight of the English damn it, they
Page 203 and 204: going to eat, as independent order
Page 205 and 206: Here, the individual uses of both d
Page 207 and 208: The uncle’s initial utterance to
Page 209 and 210: 4.0 Conjunct order as a discourse m
Page 211 and 212: The verbs in bold type in (131a) an
Page 213: conjoin larger discourse units abov
Page 217 and 218: conjunct gii-pabanaazomag is not ac
Page 219 and 220: 4.1.3 Situational immediacy There i
Page 221 and 222: mark these events as being more sal
Page 223 and 224: d) Chi-ayizhinoo’oyangid iw. very
Page 225 and 226: c) Haaw niinawind imbaapi’idimin
Page 227 and 228: without izhi remain as plain conjun
Page 229 and 230: jiigikana imbaapi’idimin niinawin
Page 231 and 232: verb. If carrying eventline informa
Page 233 and 234: d) They got around in boats. e) The
Page 235 and 236: describe these elements (which in i
Page 237 and 238: existed (and it might), it would be
Page 239 and 240: REFERENCES Abraham, Werner. 1991. D
Page 241 and 242: Clark, James. 1998. Oshkaabewis Nat
Page 243 and 244: Jucker, Andreas H. and Sara W. Smit
Page 245 and 246: Rhodes, Richard 1979. Some aspects
Page 247: Wilson, Deirdre. 1994. Discourse ma
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