A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE ...

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(66) mii in taboos (from Benjamin, unpublished document) 53 a) Giishpin mindaweyan, miigo gezhiwawaabishkiganzhiiyan. if you pout VER.EMPH you will have white spots on fingernails ‘If you like to Mindawe [pout], you will have telltale “white spots” on your fingernails!’ b) Giishpin zazaagiziyan, miigo gezhizipogwayaweyan. if you are stingy VER.EMPH you will have a crater in the back of your neck ‘If you are Zazaagiz [stingy], you will have a crater in the back of your neck!’ The second clause of each statement in (66) is accented by mystery particle mii. Mii, in turn, is accented by the emphatic clitic go, and the presence of mii triggers the use of conjunct order inflection on the verbal complexes (i.e. mii-clauses), rather than the use of independent order inflection (which would not include the use of mii here). What this essentially means is that speakers have two morphological options in representing these future events, mii-clauses or independent clauses. The question here is, why use mii- clauses when independent clauses would accomplish the same function. The answer lies in the function of mystery particle mii. As argued in my earlier work on mii (Fairbanks 2008, forthcoming), mii-clauses are stronger statements. They are stronger in the sense that mii conveys the speaker’s attitude of certainty toward their proposition, i.e. an epistemic function. In other words, the use of mii in these statements signals that speakers see their proposition as a sure thing, and that there is no doubt that such events will happen. Independent clauses, on the other hand, would only convey propositional content, having no such effect, e.g. giga-wawaabishkiganzhii ‘you will have telltale white 53 I have kept the original orthography for this example as it appears in the original document. These examples come from a handout prepared by one of my consultants (Millie Benjamin). As you can see, she preferred not to use hyphens when using the Double Vowel orthography. 124
spots on your fingernails’, giga-zipogwayawe ‘you will have a crater in the back of your neck’. As part of its veridical function, the epistemic use of mii can be seen in related functions as well. These include the use of mii within emotionally charged statements, or in ribbing (i.e. teasing). This is illustrated below with examples that I heard from my consultants. (67) a) Emotionally charged statements (Mille Lacs Sessions) Mii-go bijiinag gii-pi-naanind. VER-EMPH just now came and got her ‘They finally came and got her!’ (after several days) b) Ribbing Mii na gii-tagoshinowaad bineshiinsag? VER INTER they arrived little birds ‘Did little birds come?’ The statement in (67a) was made by one of my consultants when it was learned that a murdered tribal member was finally found after having been left dead in her backyard for several days. In representing the proposition they finally came and got her, again, speakers have two morphological choices, the use of a mii-clause, or independent morphology, e.g. gii-pi-naanaa ‘they came and got her’. When later queried about the use of mii in this statement, my consultant stated that the mii-clause captures the seriousness of the situation, where it otherwise would not were mii not used. The 125
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OJIBWE DISCOURSE MARKERS A DISSERTA
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Acknowledgements I am indebted to t
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For the elders at Mille Lacs and fo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgements
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1.0 Introduction and background In
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influenced by this already existing
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While many speakers from other Minn
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discussed within the body of this t
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use as they occurred in real time w
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‘someone’s fingernail’ (see N
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In some cases, however, where a nar
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adherence to the rule suggested her
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To further compound an already comp
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conjunction and (in sentence level
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DMs function in relation to aspects
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d) But, I went into the army (p. 15
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(7) Marker because (Schiffrin 1987:
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In (9a), because connects two actio
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their referential and/or grammatica
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communicator presents just enough e
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“[i]nferential comprehension invo
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Elements which do not relate some s
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1990:391). Since most researchers a
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inventory is replete with an array
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(12) Sentence-final 21 a) Korean (P
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2.3.2 Clitics and affixes As it tur
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lead to the man’s death. Relevant
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internal evaluation, denoting main
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interpersonal discourse markers can
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(18) Spanish ya (Koike 1996:275-276
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occur in a variety of non-initial p
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(Bazzanella 1990:633 for insomma),
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via the processes of tense, aspect,
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which is the core defining feature
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so that the discourse happens in on
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3.1 Discourse connectives 3.1.1 Ini
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c) Nashke! AT ‘Look!, See!, Liste
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speaker to set that information off
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) Shke, wa’aw nookomisiban mii-ko
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) Nashke azhigwa eni-apiitiziyaan,
Page 81 and 82: predicted event. In (29b), the spea
Page 83 and 84: two subordinate verb phrases (subor
Page 85 and 86: a) ‘“Nobody will live there on
Page 87 and 88: (34) English discourse marker and a
Page 89 and 90: (36) miinawaa (Kegg 1991:152-153) a
Page 91 and 92: 1987:128). A quick scan of the Ojib
Page 93 and 94: Minnesota dialect) appears not to h
Page 95 and 96: 3.1.1.4 dibishkoo In the dictionary
Page 97 and 98: The use of dibishkoo in both exampl
Page 99 and 100: ge-miinigooyang. that we’ll be gi
Page 101 and 102: c) Giwiisin. d) Mii wiisiniyan. (in
Page 103 and 104: (47) Discourse sequencer (Benjamin
Page 105 and 106: the sentence level within the disco
Page 107 and 108: Note that in (49a,c) where the exam
Page 109 and 110: selecting a contrastive relationshi
Page 111 and 112: eak from further elaboration within
Page 113 and 114: In the stories examined for this th
Page 115 and 116: 3.1.2.1.1 Digressions There is furt
Page 117 and 118: f) “Mii imaa iniw ozidan, bakaan
Page 119 and 120: preceding clause sang spiritual son
Page 121 and 122: (59) idash (Clark 1998:8, audio) a)
Page 123 and 124: make use of the coordinator miinawa
Page 125 and 126: (62) Relative roots invoke initial
Page 127 and 128: advance a narrative to the next eve
Page 129 and 130: knowledge of their use, but because
Page 131: some time and effort trying to figu
Page 135 and 136: c) Mii-gegaa gii-pi-niboyaan. so-al
Page 137 and 138: outside the imperative construction
Page 139 and 140: (71) Justifying function of aaniish
Page 141 and 142: (72) Extra-topical background infor
Page 143 and 144: speaker was given a new horse, and
Page 145 and 146: 3.2.2.1.1 isa as a marker of closin
Page 147 and 148: 3.2.2.1.2 isa as a marker of relinq
Page 149 and 150: descriptions, however, are not impo
Page 151 and 152: 3.2.2.1.4 isa as a marker of result
Page 153 and 154: The initial event in (81a-b) is the
Page 155 and 156: Another example of this usage appea
Page 157 and 158: (84) isa (Jones 1917:4-5) a) O’ow
Page 159 and 160: speaker to exert and validate the I
Page 161 and 162: the speaker, once a topic or event
Page 163 and 164: Though the English translation does
Page 165 and 166: accompanies the expression and prov
Page 167 and 168: Not captured in (92a) is Speaker A
Page 169 and 170: In (93d), Speaker C, not yet knowin
Page 171 and 172: Here, sha reveals the unreasonablen
Page 173 and 174: (97) gosha (Kegg 1991:104-105) a) M
Page 175 and 176: an interjection (i.e. a discourse r
Page 177 and 178: a) ‘A girl and her grandmother we
Page 179 and 180: ) Wegonen da? INTER CP ‘What now?
Page 181 and 182: ) Ojibwemon bina naa! speak Ojibwe
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(106) bina within jussive construct
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(108) bina (text communication) a)
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eference to time (although time is
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speakers to speak about topics with
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c) Baanimaa igo naa wenji-gizhibaab
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The little girl in this story was t
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wants to express the equivalent of
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naa has the force of the English lo
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The first token of naa in (120a) ap
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weight of the English damn it, they
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going to eat, as independent order
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Here, the individual uses of both d
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The uncle’s initial utterance to
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4.0 Conjunct order as a discourse m
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The verbs in bold type in (131a) an
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conjoin larger discourse units abov
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The subordinate nature of the conju
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conjunct gii-pabanaazomag is not ac
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4.1.3 Situational immediacy There i
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mark these events as being more sal
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d) Chi-ayizhinoo’oyangid iw. very
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c) Haaw niinawind imbaapi’idimin
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without izhi remain as plain conjun
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jiigikana imbaapi’idimin niinawin
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verb. If carrying eventline informa
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d) They got around in boats. e) The
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describe these elements (which in i
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existed (and it might), it would be
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REFERENCES Abraham, Werner. 1991. D
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Clark, James. 1998. Oshkaabewis Nat
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Jucker, Andreas H. and Sara W. Smit
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Rhodes, Richard 1979. Some aspects
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Wilson, Deirdre. 1994. Discourse ma
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