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OJIBWE DISCOURSE MARKERS A DISSERTA
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Acknowledgements I am indebted to t
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For the elders at Mille Lacs and fo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgements
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1.0 Introduction and background In
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influenced by this already existing
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While many speakers from other Minn
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discussed within the body of this t
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use as they occurred in real time w
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‘someone’s fingernail’ (see N
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In some cases, however, where a nar
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adherence to the rule suggested her
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To further compound an already comp
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conjunction and (in sentence level
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DMs function in relation to aspects
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d) But, I went into the army (p. 15
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(7) Marker because (Schiffrin 1987:
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In (9a), because connects two actio
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their referential and/or grammatica
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communicator presents just enough e
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“[i]nferential comprehension invo
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Elements which do not relate some s
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1990:391). Since most researchers a
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inventory is replete with an array
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(12) Sentence-final 21 a) Korean (P
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2.3.2 Clitics and affixes As it tur
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lead to the man’s death. Relevant
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internal evaluation, denoting main
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interpersonal discourse markers can
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(18) Spanish ya (Koike 1996:275-276
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occur in a variety of non-initial p
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(Bazzanella 1990:633 for insomma),
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via the processes of tense, aspect,
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which is the core defining feature
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so that the discourse happens in on
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3.1 Discourse connectives 3.1.1 Ini
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c) Nashke! AT ‘Look!, See!, Liste
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speaker to set that information off
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) Shke, wa’aw nookomisiban mii-ko
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) Nashke azhigwa eni-apiitiziyaan,
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predicted event. In (29b), the spea
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two subordinate verb phrases (subor
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a) ‘“Nobody will live there on
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(34) English discourse marker and a
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(36) miinawaa (Kegg 1991:152-153) a
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1987:128). A quick scan of the Ojib
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Minnesota dialect) appears not to h
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3.1.1.4 dibishkoo In the dictionary
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The use of dibishkoo in both exampl
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ge-miinigooyang. that we’ll be gi
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c) Giwiisin. d) Mii wiisiniyan. (in
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(47) Discourse sequencer (Benjamin
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the sentence level within the disco
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Note that in (49a,c) where the exam
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selecting a contrastive relationshi
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eak from further elaboration within
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In the stories examined for this th
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3.1.2.1.1 Digressions There is furt
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f) “Mii imaa iniw ozidan, bakaan
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preceding clause sang spiritual son
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(59) idash (Clark 1998:8, audio) a)
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make use of the coordinator miinawa
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(62) Relative roots invoke initial
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advance a narrative to the next eve
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knowledge of their use, but because
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some time and effort trying to figu
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spots on your fingernails’, giga-
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c) Mii-gegaa gii-pi-niboyaan. so-al
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outside the imperative construction
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(71) Justifying function of aaniish
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(72) Extra-topical background infor
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speaker was given a new horse, and
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3.2.2.1.1 isa as a marker of closin
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3.2.2.1.2 isa as a marker of relinq
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descriptions, however, are not impo
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3.2.2.1.4 isa as a marker of result
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The initial event in (81a-b) is the
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Another example of this usage appea
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(84) isa (Jones 1917:4-5) a) O’ow
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speaker to exert and validate the I
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- Page 179 and 180: ) Wegonen da? INTER CP ‘What now?
- Page 181 and 182: ) Ojibwemon bina naa! speak Ojibwe
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- Page 231 and 232: verb. If carrying eventline informa
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- Page 239 and 240: REFERENCES Abraham, Werner. 1991. D
- Page 241 and 242: Clark, James. 1998. Oshkaabewis Nat
- Page 243 and 244: Jucker, Andreas H. and Sara W. Smit
- Page 245 and 246: Rhodes, Richard 1979. Some aspects
- Page 247: Wilson, Deirdre. 1994. Discourse ma