A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE ...

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(137) Situational immediacy a) Chi-gagaandenimag. (after talking about someone who got hurt) very-take pleasure in his/her pain.1>3/CONJ *Ingichi-gagaandenimaa. 1.great-take pleasure in his/her pain.3.OBJ/INDEP ‘It’s well enough for him!’ ‘He got what he deserved!’ b) Gii-wawaanimigooyang. (after having been asked a hard question) PAST-stump him/her.0>21/CONJ *Ingii-wawaanimigoomin. 1.PAST-stump him/her.0>21/INDEP ‘They stumped us!’ The use of conjuncts in this way is striking, especially given the traditional view that conjunct order verbs function only as subordinate clauses. In these examples, however, conjunct verbs, not independent order verbs, are able to function as independent clauses, even without a predicating element, if said immediately upon the occurrence of the anteceding event or situation. Once the moment is lost, the use of plain conjuncts become awkward. This is also evinced by the fact that when some of these phrases were elicited out of context, independent forms where provided by my consultants rather than the conjunct forms. For example, when I elicited from my consultants the phrase he got what he deserved, I got the independent form nigagaandenimaa, rather than the attested conjunct form above (137a). In short, the use of the conjunct in these restricted situations appears to signal the immediacy of an event or situation, possibly allowing speakers to 212
mark these events as being more salient or foregrounded. As we will see in the sections to come, this is one of the features makes it a prime target for work at the discourse level. 4.2 Discourse use of conjuncts The conjunct has uses at the discourse level as well. Though conjuncts at the sentence level function largely as subordinate clauses or adjunct clauses (except for the limited cases of the situational immediacy examples), they also have connective and temporal immediacy features as well. It is perhaps no surprise then that the conjunct would be exploited for these features, since connectivity and immediacy are both features which are well suited to create cohesion within narratives. Though largely syntactically subordinate in nature at the sentence level, at the discourse level, conjuncts may function as independent clauses. This was also the case with the Rhodes example for a related dialect of Ojibwe. Given that independent order verbs already serve this function (at least at the sentence level), the question becomes then: If both independent order verbs and conjunct order verbs may function as independent clauses within discourse, what roles do they each play within discourse? As we will see, both the conjunct and independent order have distinct functions within discourse. In short, conjuncts carry the eventline structure of a narrative, while independent order verbs carry background and quotation phenomena. Background content is defined here as anything that gives contextualization to eventline structures. Eventline is defined her as content which moves the story along, and is the backbone of the story. What it is meant by “backbone” is that if you were to make a list of only the eventline verbs, you would get a basic, albeit rudimentary, summary of the story in general. Note that this is also true for many of the 213
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OJIBWE DISCOURSE MARKERS A DISSERTA
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Acknowledgements I am indebted to t
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For the elders at Mille Lacs and fo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgements
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1.0 Introduction and background In
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influenced by this already existing
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While many speakers from other Minn
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discussed within the body of this t
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use as they occurred in real time w
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‘someone’s fingernail’ (see N
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In some cases, however, where a nar
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adherence to the rule suggested her
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To further compound an already comp
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conjunction and (in sentence level
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DMs function in relation to aspects
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d) But, I went into the army (p. 15
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(7) Marker because (Schiffrin 1987:
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In (9a), because connects two actio
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their referential and/or grammatica
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communicator presents just enough e
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“[i]nferential comprehension invo
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Elements which do not relate some s
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1990:391). Since most researchers a
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inventory is replete with an array
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(12) Sentence-final 21 a) Korean (P
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2.3.2 Clitics and affixes As it tur
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lead to the man’s death. Relevant
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internal evaluation, denoting main
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interpersonal discourse markers can
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(18) Spanish ya (Koike 1996:275-276
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occur in a variety of non-initial p
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(Bazzanella 1990:633 for insomma),
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via the processes of tense, aspect,
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which is the core defining feature
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so that the discourse happens in on
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3.1 Discourse connectives 3.1.1 Ini
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c) Nashke! AT ‘Look!, See!, Liste
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speaker to set that information off
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) Shke, wa’aw nookomisiban mii-ko
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) Nashke azhigwa eni-apiitiziyaan,
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predicted event. In (29b), the spea
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two subordinate verb phrases (subor
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a) ‘“Nobody will live there on
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(34) English discourse marker and a
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(36) miinawaa (Kegg 1991:152-153) a
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1987:128). A quick scan of the Ojib
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Minnesota dialect) appears not to h
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3.1.1.4 dibishkoo In the dictionary
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The use of dibishkoo in both exampl
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ge-miinigooyang. that we’ll be gi
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c) Giwiisin. d) Mii wiisiniyan. (in
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(47) Discourse sequencer (Benjamin
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the sentence level within the disco
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Note that in (49a,c) where the exam
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selecting a contrastive relationshi
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eak from further elaboration within
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In the stories examined for this th
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3.1.2.1.1 Digressions There is furt
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f) “Mii imaa iniw ozidan, bakaan
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preceding clause sang spiritual son
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(59) idash (Clark 1998:8, audio) a)
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make use of the coordinator miinawa
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(62) Relative roots invoke initial
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advance a narrative to the next eve
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knowledge of their use, but because
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some time and effort trying to figu
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spots on your fingernails’, giga-
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c) Mii-gegaa gii-pi-niboyaan. so-al
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outside the imperative construction
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(71) Justifying function of aaniish
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(72) Extra-topical background infor
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speaker was given a new horse, and
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3.2.2.1.1 isa as a marker of closin
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3.2.2.1.2 isa as a marker of relinq
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descriptions, however, are not impo
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3.2.2.1.4 isa as a marker of result
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The initial event in (81a-b) is the
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Another example of this usage appea
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(84) isa (Jones 1917:4-5) a) O’ow
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speaker to exert and validate the I
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the speaker, once a topic or event
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Though the English translation does
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accompanies the expression and prov
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Not captured in (92a) is Speaker A
Page 169 and 170: In (93d), Speaker C, not yet knowin
Page 171 and 172: Here, sha reveals the unreasonablen
Page 173 and 174: (97) gosha (Kegg 1991:104-105) a) M
Page 175 and 176: an interjection (i.e. a discourse r
Page 177 and 178: a) ‘A girl and her grandmother we
Page 179 and 180: ) Wegonen da? INTER CP ‘What now?
Page 181 and 182: ) Ojibwemon bina naa! speak Ojibwe
Page 183 and 184: (106) bina within jussive construct
Page 185 and 186: (108) bina (text communication) a)
Page 187 and 188: eference to time (although time is
Page 189 and 190: speakers to speak about topics with
Page 191 and 192: c) Baanimaa igo naa wenji-gizhibaab
Page 193 and 194: The little girl in this story was t
Page 195 and 196: wants to express the equivalent of
Page 197 and 198: naa has the force of the English lo
Page 199 and 200: The first token of naa in (120a) ap
Page 201 and 202: weight of the English damn it, they
Page 203 and 204: going to eat, as independent order
Page 205 and 206: Here, the individual uses of both d
Page 207 and 208: The uncle’s initial utterance to
Page 209 and 210: 4.0 Conjunct order as a discourse m
Page 211 and 212: The verbs in bold type in (131a) an
Page 213 and 214: conjoin larger discourse units abov
Page 215 and 216: The subordinate nature of the conju
Page 217 and 218: conjunct gii-pabanaazomag is not ac
Page 219: 4.1.3 Situational immediacy There i
Page 223 and 224: d) Chi-ayizhinoo’oyangid iw. very
Page 225 and 226: c) Haaw niinawind imbaapi’idimin
Page 227 and 228: without izhi remain as plain conjun
Page 229 and 230: jiigikana imbaapi’idimin niinawin
Page 231 and 232: verb. If carrying eventline informa
Page 233 and 234: d) They got around in boats. e) The
Page 235 and 236: describe these elements (which in i
Page 237 and 238: existed (and it might), it would be
Page 239 and 240: REFERENCES Abraham, Werner. 1991. D
Page 241 and 242: Clark, James. 1998. Oshkaabewis Nat
Page 243 and 244: Jucker, Andreas H. and Sara W. Smit
Page 245 and 246: Rhodes, Richard 1979. Some aspects
Page 247: Wilson, Deirdre. 1994. Discourse ma
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