A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE ...

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(93) sha a) Speaker A: Oda-waabandaan Pameda? is she gonna see it Pameda (someone’s name) b) Speaker B: Baanimaa apii um michaatooyaan, niwii-agoodawaa dash um later on um when I make it big I want to give her a gift but um mii azhigwa gegaa da-dibishkaad. DP time almost to be her birthday c) Speaker A: Dikinaagan na? cradle board INTERR d) Speaker C: I just got through calling her, ingii-wiindamawaa. I just got through calling her I told her e) Speaker B: Nooo! no f) Speaker C: Yeah I did. Told. (Everyone laughs.) yes I did told g) Speaker B: Chi-odoon. s/he has a big mouth h) Speaker C: I had no idea, oh! Nichi-odoon. (Laughing continues.) I had no idea oh I have a big mouth i) Speaker C: Ingii-wiindamawaa sha. I told her DM a) ‘Is Pameda gonna see it? b) Later on when I make it big, I want to give it to her as a present. It’s almost her birthday. c) Is it a cradle board? d) I just got through calling her, I told her. e) Nooo! f) Yeah I did. Told. g) She has a big mouth. h) I had no idea! I have a big mouth. i) I spilt the beans [sha]!’ 160
In (93d), Speaker C, not yet knowing her inadvertent error, reveals to the group that she had just called the very person that Speaker B wanted to give a cradle board to and told her of Speaker B’s plan to give the cradle board away as a birthday gift. In (93e), the emotional state increases as the sentiment of Speaker B turns to disbelief, evident by her response to the news, i.e. nooo!. In (93h), Speaker C realizes her error, and then in (93i), makes the statement that she spilt the beans, accenting her statement with sha. The use of sha in this example has the feeling of self-reproach and self-pity. In short, the speaker is getting after herself for messing up the surprise. As part of the general revealing feature of sha, there are occasions where speakers will use sha in order to reveal and confront interlocutors with their (the interlocutor’s) faulty logic evinced by their (the interlocutor’s) actions or utterances. In other words, speakers may use sha to throw the interlocutor’s faulty logic in the face of interlocutors as a way of showing them where they have gone wrong. What the speaker is revealing with sha is the truth, or reality (as they see it), of a situation, which they view as not apparent to interlocutors. In these situations, sha usually (but not always) occurs within a second position cluster involving the emphatic marker igo (usually occurring as go), and occasionally with the mystery pleading particle naa (to be discussed in Section 3.2.2.7). This function is shown by the following interaction between my consultants. Once a month at our meetings, the tradition was to have a potluck. At one of these potlucks, one of my consultants noticed that there was fry bread, but no peanut butter. It was at this point that he mentioned that he was allergic to peanut butter, but his very next step was to call home to see if someone could bring some peanut butter to the meeting. After he got off the phone, one of the other elders queried him about the apparent contradiction, 161
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OJIBWE DISCOURSE MARKERS A DISSERTA
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Acknowledgements I am indebted to t
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For the elders at Mille Lacs and fo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgements
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1.0 Introduction and background In
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influenced by this already existing
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While many speakers from other Minn
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discussed within the body of this t
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use as they occurred in real time w
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‘someone’s fingernail’ (see N
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In some cases, however, where a nar
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adherence to the rule suggested her
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To further compound an already comp
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conjunction and (in sentence level
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DMs function in relation to aspects
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d) But, I went into the army (p. 15
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(7) Marker because (Schiffrin 1987:
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In (9a), because connects two actio
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their referential and/or grammatica
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communicator presents just enough e
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“[i]nferential comprehension invo
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Elements which do not relate some s
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1990:391). Since most researchers a
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inventory is replete with an array
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(12) Sentence-final 21 a) Korean (P
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2.3.2 Clitics and affixes As it tur
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lead to the man’s death. Relevant
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internal evaluation, denoting main
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interpersonal discourse markers can
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(18) Spanish ya (Koike 1996:275-276
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occur in a variety of non-initial p
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(Bazzanella 1990:633 for insomma),
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via the processes of tense, aspect,
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which is the core defining feature
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so that the discourse happens in on
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3.1 Discourse connectives 3.1.1 Ini
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c) Nashke! AT ‘Look!, See!, Liste
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speaker to set that information off
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) Shke, wa’aw nookomisiban mii-ko
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) Nashke azhigwa eni-apiitiziyaan,
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predicted event. In (29b), the spea
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two subordinate verb phrases (subor
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a) ‘“Nobody will live there on
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(34) English discourse marker and a
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(36) miinawaa (Kegg 1991:152-153) a
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1987:128). A quick scan of the Ojib
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Minnesota dialect) appears not to h
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3.1.1.4 dibishkoo In the dictionary
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The use of dibishkoo in both exampl
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ge-miinigooyang. that we’ll be gi
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c) Giwiisin. d) Mii wiisiniyan. (in
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(47) Discourse sequencer (Benjamin
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the sentence level within the disco
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Note that in (49a,c) where the exam
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selecting a contrastive relationshi
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eak from further elaboration within
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In the stories examined for this th
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3.1.2.1.1 Digressions There is furt
Page 117 and 118: f) “Mii imaa iniw ozidan, bakaan
Page 119 and 120: preceding clause sang spiritual son
Page 121 and 122: (59) idash (Clark 1998:8, audio) a)
Page 123 and 124: make use of the coordinator miinawa
Page 125 and 126: (62) Relative roots invoke initial
Page 127 and 128: advance a narrative to the next eve
Page 129 and 130: knowledge of their use, but because
Page 131 and 132: some time and effort trying to figu
Page 133 and 134: spots on your fingernails’, giga-
Page 135 and 136: c) Mii-gegaa gii-pi-niboyaan. so-al
Page 137 and 138: outside the imperative construction
Page 139 and 140: (71) Justifying function of aaniish
Page 141 and 142: (72) Extra-topical background infor
Page 143 and 144: speaker was given a new horse, and
Page 145 and 146: 3.2.2.1.1 isa as a marker of closin
Page 147 and 148: 3.2.2.1.2 isa as a marker of relinq
Page 149 and 150: descriptions, however, are not impo
Page 151 and 152: 3.2.2.1.4 isa as a marker of result
Page 153 and 154: The initial event in (81a-b) is the
Page 155 and 156: Another example of this usage appea
Page 157 and 158: (84) isa (Jones 1917:4-5) a) O’ow
Page 159 and 160: speaker to exert and validate the I
Page 161 and 162: the speaker, once a topic or event
Page 163 and 164: Though the English translation does
Page 165 and 166: accompanies the expression and prov
Page 167: Not captured in (92a) is Speaker A
Page 171 and 172: Here, sha reveals the unreasonablen
Page 173 and 174: (97) gosha (Kegg 1991:104-105) a) M
Page 175 and 176: an interjection (i.e. a discourse r
Page 177 and 178: a) ‘A girl and her grandmother we
Page 179 and 180: ) Wegonen da? INTER CP ‘What now?
Page 181 and 182: ) Ojibwemon bina naa! speak Ojibwe
Page 183 and 184: (106) bina within jussive construct
Page 185 and 186: (108) bina (text communication) a)
Page 187 and 188: eference to time (although time is
Page 189 and 190: speakers to speak about topics with
Page 191 and 192: c) Baanimaa igo naa wenji-gizhibaab
Page 193 and 194: The little girl in this story was t
Page 195 and 196: wants to express the equivalent of
Page 197 and 198: naa has the force of the English lo
Page 199 and 200: The first token of naa in (120a) ap
Page 201 and 202: weight of the English damn it, they
Page 203 and 204: going to eat, as independent order
Page 205 and 206: Here, the individual uses of both d
Page 207 and 208: The uncle’s initial utterance to
Page 209 and 210: 4.0 Conjunct order as a discourse m
Page 211 and 212: The verbs in bold type in (131a) an
Page 213 and 214: conjoin larger discourse units abov
Page 215 and 216: The subordinate nature of the conju
Page 217 and 218: conjunct gii-pabanaazomag is not ac
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4.1.3 Situational immediacy There i
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mark these events as being more sal
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d) Chi-ayizhinoo’oyangid iw. very
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c) Haaw niinawind imbaapi’idimin
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without izhi remain as plain conjun
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jiigikana imbaapi’idimin niinawin
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verb. If carrying eventline informa
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d) They got around in boats. e) The
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describe these elements (which in i
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existed (and it might), it would be
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REFERENCES Abraham, Werner. 1991. D
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Clark, James. 1998. Oshkaabewis Nat
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Jucker, Andreas H. and Sara W. Smit
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Rhodes, Richard 1979. Some aspects
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Wilson, Deirdre. 1994. Discourse ma
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