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accompanies the expression and provides its derisive nuance. 59 In Ojibwe, however,<br />

markers such as sha, are common ways to mark revealed information (i.e. information<br />

that would set interlocutors straight) to interlocutors. In this function, sha usually has a<br />

derisive feel to it, since speakers commonly use sha to get after interlocutors (i.e. giving<br />

them hell) in order to show them the reality of the situation. There is usually some<br />

heightened emotional state as well. Also, when speakers use it to refer to themselves,<br />

they are, in effect, censuring themselves as a way of eliciting pity.<br />

Its core function can be seen in the following example where one of my consultants<br />

was asking me whether I gave an explanation to a woman from the BBC (i.e. British<br />

Broadcasting Company) about how Ojibwes view dreams culturally. I had initially<br />

misunderstood her to be asking whether someone else had, to which she quickly<br />

corrected me using sha.<br />

(91) sha<br />

Giin sha (after being confused as to who she was referring to)<br />

you DM<br />

‘No, you!’<br />

In this instance, I, the interlocutor, was in a state of confusion as I kept giving my<br />

consultant the wrong explanation due to my misunderstanding of who we were talking<br />

about. After a few unsuccessful attempts at an appropriate response, my consultant<br />

59<br />

Recall that this is what we saw in regards to the use of mii as a discourse stressor. English uses stress and<br />

intonation for nuance effects within discourse, but Ojibwe does not. Rather, discourse markers are<br />

employed.<br />

157

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