A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE ...

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c) Nibakade sha naa. I am hungry DM DM ‘I’m hungry.’ In these examples, pity is invoked by the speaker’s use of sha, and its illocutionary force is increased by naa. One consultant suggested that sha naa can also be used in cutting people off mid- sentence. This is shown in the following example provided by one of my consultants. (125) Niwii-o-ganawaab sha naa. I am gonna go watch DM DM ‘Excuse me, but I’m gonna go watch.’ (cutting them off) This usage is quite forward and imposing. This meaning appears to derive its meaning from the getting-after particle sha. The use of da naa, on the other hand, appears in situations where an alternative option is being offered up to interlocutors. In this usage, the cluster da naa may appear as the initial component of a sentence or clause (the only example of this in my data). This is shown in the following example provided by one of my consultants. (126) Da naa giin gwaaba’amaadizon. DM DM you scoop it out yourself ‘Dish it up yourself damn it!’ 196
Here, the individual uses of both da and naa are clear. Da allows the speaker to refuse the expectation that she dish up something for the interlocutor, and naa amplifies this action. The speaker also makes uses of a fronted second personal pronoun giin ‘you’, which has the effect of grammatically focusing on the referent. The combination of da and naa results in the damn it feeling, but without the stigma of having just cursed. The last two clusters involving naa are bina naa and sa naa. As with the naa clusters just discussed, i.e. sha naa, da naa, pleading particle naa is the component which heightens the of emotional intensity, or which amplifies the function of the individual marker occurring with it. An example of this is given by some examples provided by my consultants. (127) bina naa and sa naa (Mille Lacs Sessions) a) Ojibwemon bina naa speak Ojibwe DM DM ‘Speak Ojibwe!’ b) Noongom bina naa today DM DM ‘Do it today!’ In both (127a,b), bina naa signals a sharp reprimand to interlocutors to do something that they know should do, but do not. This function is typical of the lone particle bina. For example in (127a), given the urgency to preserve the Ojibwe language, the addressee is being strongly urged (more so than when just bina is used alone) to speak the language 197
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OJIBWE DISCOURSE MARKERS A DISSERTA
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Acknowledgements I am indebted to t
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For the elders at Mille Lacs and fo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgements
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1.0 Introduction and background In
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influenced by this already existing
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While many speakers from other Minn
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discussed within the body of this t
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use as they occurred in real time w
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‘someone’s fingernail’ (see N
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In some cases, however, where a nar
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adherence to the rule suggested her
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To further compound an already comp
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conjunction and (in sentence level
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DMs function in relation to aspects
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d) But, I went into the army (p. 15
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(7) Marker because (Schiffrin 1987:
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In (9a), because connects two actio
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their referential and/or grammatica
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communicator presents just enough e
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“[i]nferential comprehension invo
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Elements which do not relate some s
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1990:391). Since most researchers a
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inventory is replete with an array
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(12) Sentence-final 21 a) Korean (P
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2.3.2 Clitics and affixes As it tur
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lead to the man’s death. Relevant
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internal evaluation, denoting main
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interpersonal discourse markers can
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(18) Spanish ya (Koike 1996:275-276
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occur in a variety of non-initial p
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(Bazzanella 1990:633 for insomma),
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via the processes of tense, aspect,
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which is the core defining feature
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so that the discourse happens in on
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3.1 Discourse connectives 3.1.1 Ini
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c) Nashke! AT ‘Look!, See!, Liste
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speaker to set that information off
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) Shke, wa’aw nookomisiban mii-ko
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) Nashke azhigwa eni-apiitiziyaan,
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predicted event. In (29b), the spea
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two subordinate verb phrases (subor
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a) ‘“Nobody will live there on
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(34) English discourse marker and a
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(36) miinawaa (Kegg 1991:152-153) a
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1987:128). A quick scan of the Ojib
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Minnesota dialect) appears not to h
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3.1.1.4 dibishkoo In the dictionary
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The use of dibishkoo in both exampl
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ge-miinigooyang. that we’ll be gi
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c) Giwiisin. d) Mii wiisiniyan. (in
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(47) Discourse sequencer (Benjamin
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the sentence level within the disco
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Note that in (49a,c) where the exam
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selecting a contrastive relationshi
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eak from further elaboration within
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In the stories examined for this th
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3.1.2.1.1 Digressions There is furt
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f) “Mii imaa iniw ozidan, bakaan
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preceding clause sang spiritual son
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(59) idash (Clark 1998:8, audio) a)
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make use of the coordinator miinawa
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(62) Relative roots invoke initial
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advance a narrative to the next eve
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knowledge of their use, but because
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some time and effort trying to figu
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spots on your fingernails’, giga-
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c) Mii-gegaa gii-pi-niboyaan. so-al
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outside the imperative construction
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(71) Justifying function of aaniish
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(72) Extra-topical background infor
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speaker was given a new horse, and
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3.2.2.1.1 isa as a marker of closin
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3.2.2.1.2 isa as a marker of relinq
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descriptions, however, are not impo
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3.2.2.1.4 isa as a marker of result
Page 153 and 154: The initial event in (81a-b) is the
Page 155 and 156: Another example of this usage appea
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Page 159 and 160: speaker to exert and validate the I
Page 161 and 162: the speaker, once a topic or event
Page 163 and 164: Though the English translation does
Page 165 and 166: accompanies the expression and prov
Page 167 and 168: Not captured in (92a) is Speaker A
Page 169 and 170: In (93d), Speaker C, not yet knowin
Page 171 and 172: Here, sha reveals the unreasonablen
Page 173 and 174: (97) gosha (Kegg 1991:104-105) a) M
Page 175 and 176: an interjection (i.e. a discourse r
Page 177 and 178: a) ‘A girl and her grandmother we
Page 179 and 180: ) Wegonen da? INTER CP ‘What now?
Page 181 and 182: ) Ojibwemon bina naa! speak Ojibwe
Page 183 and 184: (106) bina within jussive construct
Page 185 and 186: (108) bina (text communication) a)
Page 187 and 188: eference to time (although time is
Page 189 and 190: speakers to speak about topics with
Page 191 and 192: c) Baanimaa igo naa wenji-gizhibaab
Page 193 and 194: The little girl in this story was t
Page 195 and 196: wants to express the equivalent of
Page 197 and 198: naa has the force of the English lo
Page 199 and 200: The first token of naa in (120a) ap
Page 201 and 202: weight of the English damn it, they
Page 203: going to eat, as independent order
Page 207 and 208: The uncle’s initial utterance to
Page 209 and 210: 4.0 Conjunct order as a discourse m
Page 211 and 212: The verbs in bold type in (131a) an
Page 213 and 214: conjoin larger discourse units abov
Page 215 and 216: The subordinate nature of the conju
Page 217 and 218: conjunct gii-pabanaazomag is not ac
Page 219 and 220: 4.1.3 Situational immediacy There i
Page 221 and 222: mark these events as being more sal
Page 223 and 224: d) Chi-ayizhinoo’oyangid iw. very
Page 225 and 226: c) Haaw niinawind imbaapi’idimin
Page 227 and 228: without izhi remain as plain conjun
Page 229 and 230: jiigikana imbaapi’idimin niinawin
Page 231 and 232: verb. If carrying eventline informa
Page 233 and 234: d) They got around in boats. e) The
Page 235 and 236: describe these elements (which in i
Page 237 and 238: existed (and it might), it would be
Page 239 and 240: REFERENCES Abraham, Werner. 1991. D
Page 241 and 242: Clark, James. 1998. Oshkaabewis Nat
Page 243 and 244: Jucker, Andreas H. and Sara W. Smit
Page 245 and 246: Rhodes, Richard 1979. Some aspects
Page 247: Wilson, Deirdre. 1994. Discourse ma
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