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functioning within the eventline structure that the conjunct is triggered. This can been seen later on in this same story. Examine the following. (142) miish with conjunct order verbs (Eagle 1998:18, audio) a) Mii bijiinag gii-minwendamaan. DP finally that I was happy b) Ingii-ni-giiwe, wahaa, gii-ni-baapaapiyaan naa ni-nagamoyaan I went home wow PAST-start-laugh.1/CONJ and start-sing.1/CONJ dabwaa-ni-maajaayaan. before I started to leave c) Mii bijiinag gii-minwendamaan gii-miinag asemaan. DP finally that I was happy that I gave him tobacco d) Ke-go miish gii-wiindamawid indedeyiban naa nimaamaayiban, “Gego wiikaa see and then PAST-tell.3>1/CONJ my late dad and my late mom don’t ever aapiji gego ji-niibawiyan baapi’aaken ingiw akiwenziinyag naa very don’t be standing around don’t laugh at him those old men and mindimooyenyag” gii-ikido. old women s/he said a) ‘I finally felt good about it. b) I started home, man, and I started laughing and started singing before I left. c) I finally was happy when I gave him tobacco. d) And then my mom and dad told me, “Never ever stand around laughing at old men and old women,” she said.’ What these examples involving miish show is that when the verbs connected to the mii- complex are carrying background information, the verb appears as an independent order 222
verb. If carrying eventline information, the verb appears with conjunct order inflection. 68 This same sort of process can be also seen with another mii-complex miish i'iw, which also has a similar narrative advancing function similar to miish (see also Fairbanks, forthcoming). This can be easily seen with the mii-complex miish i'iw as well. When the verb connected to miish i'iw is involved with the eventline, it occurs with conjunct inflection. When the verb occurs within background commentary, it occurs with independent order inflection. This is shown in the following excerpts from two stories. In the first excerpt in (143), the narrator lists the events which occurred during a trip to set a net for tullibees. In (144), the story is about the time the narrator met a “Mooniyaa- Lady”, but before recounting her encounter, the narrator provides a rather lengthy background about what a Mooniyaa-Lady is (only partially given here). (143) miish i'iw within eventline structures (Kegg 1991:80-81) a) Gaawiin igo gichi-gisinaasinoon, mii ezhi-gawishimoyaang imaa jiigibiig, not EMPH not very cold then RR-lay down-1P/CONJ there shore ezhi-gawishimoyaang imaa jiigibiig ganawenimaad iniw odasabiin, RR-lay down-1P/CONJ there shore as she watches him/her that her net jiichiigawiganebinag imaa zhingishinaang, apane go ezhi-anoozhid scratch.1>3/CONJ there as we lie there always EMPH has me do ji-jiichiigawiganebinag. to scratch her back b) Miish i’iw, miish i'iw maadaajimod. and then….. and then….. start telling stories.3/CONJ 68 Lone mii occurs in (139a,c) and is connected to conjunct order verbs as well. These, however, are sentence level functions of the deictic particle mii (see Fairbanks, forthcoming, for a detailed discussion on the functions of mii). 223
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OJIBWE DISCOURSE MARKERS A DISSERTA
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Acknowledgements I am indebted to t
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For the elders at Mille Lacs and fo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgements
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1.0 Introduction and background In
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influenced by this already existing
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While many speakers from other Minn
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discussed within the body of this t
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use as they occurred in real time w
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‘someone’s fingernail’ (see N
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In some cases, however, where a nar
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adherence to the rule suggested her
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To further compound an already comp
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conjunction and (in sentence level
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DMs function in relation to aspects
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d) But, I went into the army (p. 15
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(7) Marker because (Schiffrin 1987:
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In (9a), because connects two actio
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their referential and/or grammatica
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communicator presents just enough e
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“[i]nferential comprehension invo
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Elements which do not relate some s
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1990:391). Since most researchers a
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inventory is replete with an array
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(12) Sentence-final 21 a) Korean (P
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2.3.2 Clitics and affixes As it tur
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lead to the man’s death. Relevant
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internal evaluation, denoting main
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interpersonal discourse markers can
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(18) Spanish ya (Koike 1996:275-276
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occur in a variety of non-initial p
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(Bazzanella 1990:633 for insomma),
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via the processes of tense, aspect,
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which is the core defining feature
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so that the discourse happens in on
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3.1 Discourse connectives 3.1.1 Ini
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c) Nashke! AT ‘Look!, See!, Liste
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speaker to set that information off
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) Shke, wa’aw nookomisiban mii-ko
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) Nashke azhigwa eni-apiitiziyaan,
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predicted event. In (29b), the spea
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two subordinate verb phrases (subor
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a) ‘“Nobody will live there on
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(34) English discourse marker and a
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(36) miinawaa (Kegg 1991:152-153) a
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1987:128). A quick scan of the Ojib
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Minnesota dialect) appears not to h
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3.1.1.4 dibishkoo In the dictionary
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The use of dibishkoo in both exampl
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ge-miinigooyang. that we’ll be gi
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c) Giwiisin. d) Mii wiisiniyan. (in
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(47) Discourse sequencer (Benjamin
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the sentence level within the disco
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Note that in (49a,c) where the exam
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selecting a contrastive relationshi
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eak from further elaboration within
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In the stories examined for this th
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3.1.2.1.1 Digressions There is furt
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f) “Mii imaa iniw ozidan, bakaan
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preceding clause sang spiritual son
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(59) idash (Clark 1998:8, audio) a)
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make use of the coordinator miinawa
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(62) Relative roots invoke initial
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advance a narrative to the next eve
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knowledge of their use, but because
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some time and effort trying to figu
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spots on your fingernails’, giga-
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c) Mii-gegaa gii-pi-niboyaan. so-al
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outside the imperative construction
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(71) Justifying function of aaniish
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(72) Extra-topical background infor
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speaker was given a new horse, and
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3.2.2.1.1 isa as a marker of closin
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3.2.2.1.2 isa as a marker of relinq
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descriptions, however, are not impo
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3.2.2.1.4 isa as a marker of result
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The initial event in (81a-b) is the
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Another example of this usage appea
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(84) isa (Jones 1917:4-5) a) O’ow
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speaker to exert and validate the I
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the speaker, once a topic or event
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Though the English translation does
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accompanies the expression and prov
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Not captured in (92a) is Speaker A
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In (93d), Speaker C, not yet knowin
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Here, sha reveals the unreasonablen
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(97) gosha (Kegg 1991:104-105) a) M
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an interjection (i.e. a discourse r
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a) ‘A girl and her grandmother we
Page 179 and 180: ) Wegonen da? INTER CP ‘What now?
Page 181 and 182: ) Ojibwemon bina naa! speak Ojibwe
Page 183 and 184: (106) bina within jussive construct
Page 185 and 186: (108) bina (text communication) a)
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Page 189 and 190: speakers to speak about topics with
Page 191 and 192: c) Baanimaa igo naa wenji-gizhibaab
Page 193 and 194: The little girl in this story was t
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Page 197 and 198: naa has the force of the English lo
Page 199 and 200: The first token of naa in (120a) ap
Page 201 and 202: weight of the English damn it, they
Page 203 and 204: going to eat, as independent order
Page 205 and 206: Here, the individual uses of both d
Page 207 and 208: The uncle’s initial utterance to
Page 209 and 210: 4.0 Conjunct order as a discourse m
Page 211 and 212: The verbs in bold type in (131a) an
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Page 215 and 216: The subordinate nature of the conju
Page 217 and 218: conjunct gii-pabanaazomag is not ac
Page 219 and 220: 4.1.3 Situational immediacy There i
Page 221 and 222: mark these events as being more sal
Page 223 and 224: d) Chi-ayizhinoo’oyangid iw. very
Page 225 and 226: c) Haaw niinawind imbaapi’idimin
Page 227 and 228: without izhi remain as plain conjun
Page 229: jiigikana imbaapi’idimin niinawin
Page 233 and 234: d) They got around in boats. e) The
Page 235 and 236: describe these elements (which in i
Page 237 and 238: existed (and it might), it would be
Page 239 and 240: REFERENCES Abraham, Werner. 1991. D
Page 241 and 242: Clark, James. 1998. Oshkaabewis Nat
Page 243 and 244: Jucker, Andreas H. and Sara W. Smit
Page 245 and 246: Rhodes, Richard 1979. Some aspects
Page 247: Wilson, Deirdre. 1994. Discourse ma
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