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deictics and which attach to verbs) in support of the claim made for affixes. Such classes<br />

are common features to Algonquian languages such as Ojibwe, and their description will<br />

be provided in the body of this thesis.<br />

2.3.3 TAM (tense-aspect-mode) systems<br />

Perhaps another relevant dimension to this discussion is the use of tense-aspect<br />

forms (i.e. inflectional morphology) in discourse, or in marking discourse. Brinton notes<br />

that tense-aspect forms have been the subject of study by historical discourse analysts,<br />

stating that “[t]ense-aspect morphology, because of its function in conceptualizing and<br />

placing event in time, plays a special role in discourse structuring” (Brinton 2003:142).<br />

What this essentially means is that it is not a particular lexical item which serves as a<br />

discourse marker, per se, but the shape of the words themselves which give global<br />

coherence. 25 Therefore, targets for discourse use are, essentially, entire verbal<br />

inflectional paradigms. While I hesitate to call an entire paradigm a “discourse marker”<br />

per se, it is undeniable that inflectional morphology may be utilized for discourse work in<br />

the same way that individual linguistic items which have lexical or grammatical uses at<br />

the sentence level are enlisted for work above the sentence level. In other words, TAM<br />

forms which have specific functions at the sentence level such as tense, aspect, mood,<br />

and temporality, for example, may have more global functions above the sentence level.<br />

Such behavior is not new to the literature. The historical present (i.e. the use of the<br />

present tense in a past tense narrative) in medieval texts, for example, has been argued to<br />

serve various discourse roles, such as marking foregrounded events, as devices for<br />

25<br />

What I mean by “word shape” is a word might be changed in form by morphological or inflectional<br />

processes.<br />

46

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