A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE ...

so that the discourse happens in one of the two languages and the discourse markers are
verbalized in the other” (Maschler 1997:203). Also, Zavala (2001) showed that
Quechua-Spanish bilinguals have restructured a standard Spanish conjunction, pues, as a
discourse marker, pe or pes, in Andean Spanish.
What is particularly interesting about Andean Spanish is that not only have the
speakers phonologically reduced pues to pe or pes (given that Quechua does not permit
vowel sequences in its syllabic structures), they have also restructured the position of pes
from initial position (where Spanish particles borrowed into indigenous languages usually
occur) to final position seemingly based upon Quechua structure (Zavala 2001:1003-1004
quoting Brody 1995:137). The point here, of course, is that speakers appear to make use
of available linguistic machinery either via their own language, or by the machinery made
available by language contact situations. In the case of Andean Spanish, the identity of
the marker pes originates from the contact language (Standard Spanish), but is
constrained by the indigenous language (Quechua) in both phonological form and
location.
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