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A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE ...

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lead to the man’s death. Relevant events which lead to this downfall are strategically<br />

marked by the role reversing suffix -n. -n on the verb conversing marks the fatal<br />

circumstance from which the whole ordeal originates. -n on the noun place marks the<br />

relevance of the place where the man returned after three years to pay his bill. -n on the<br />

verb ate marks the narrator’s imposed point of view that trouble is coming (since the man<br />

at the time would not have known that these were fatal circumstances). And finally, -n<br />

on the conjunction so-being ‘then’ marks that it is the woman’s son speaking up which<br />

leads to the eventual trouble.<br />

What is striking about the use of -n, is that it also has a grammatical function in low-<br />

level structure (i.e. sentence level) showing contrast, much like the English but. This is<br />

shown below.<br />

(16) Grammatical function of suffix -n (from Longacre 1976:472)<br />

His father him to work ask (-n), the boy refused.<br />

‘His father asked him to work but the boy refused.’<br />

The use of -n at the sentence level affirms the observed tendency for discourse markers in<br />

English (and as we will see, in Ojibwe as well) that some items which have a primary use<br />

grammatically (i.e. in the ideation plane of discourse), may also be used as discourse<br />

markers, above the sentence level.<br />

Ojibwe makes a contribution here as well, in that, it further expands the pool of<br />

candidate markers to include both SECOND POSITION DISCOURSE MARKERS (supporting<br />

claims for Yagua above), and PREVERBS (which include prefix-like words which act like<br />

45

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