A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE ...

(12) Sentence-final 21
a) Korean (Park 1999:194)
cey -ka tayphyokito pwuthaktuli -lyekwu ha -nuntey:
‘I wanted to ask you to do the representing prayer nuntey’
b) Andean Spanish (Zavala 2001:1006)
Sí, en esa misma pe
‘Yes, in the same one pe’
(13) Sentence-initial, medial, and final
a) Italian (Bazzanella 1990:633)
i) Insomma era una difesa mista […]
‘After all/well it was mixed defense […]’
ii) […] i pagani ormai erano stati eh scon- insomma distrutti totalmente.
‘pagan were by now eh won- after all/I mean totally destroyed’
ii) Ma se mi dimettevo (chi) lasciavo, Zamberletti? ABBIA pazienza Padre
Zanotelli insomma eh ((laughter)).
‘If I resigned, whom was I leaving, Zamberletti? Don’t be funny, Father
Zanotelli after all.
While this growing body of literature has expanded the distribution of discourse markers
to include medial and final positions, little mention has been given to discourse markers
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Both authors, Park and Zavala, left the discourse markers unglossed in the translations, preferring to
define their use in the body of the text. This appears to be the practice of some authors when speaking
about their various functions. In making requests in Korean, Park suggests that marker nuntey is used to set
up an “accountability relevance point, inviting the interlocutor to figure out what the speaker is implying”
(Park 1999:198). In Andean Spanish, Zavala suggests that marker pe (or pues) is used to confirm a request
for confirmation or clarification based upon an inference from a previous utterance (Zavala 2001:1006).
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