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c) (Eagle 1998:18, audio) Wa’aw gimiinin asemaa ji-maanenimigoyan gidoonji-baapi’isinoon. this I give you tobacco so you won’t feel bad because I wasn’t laughing at you ‘Here’s some tobacco so you won’t feel bad because I wasn’t laughing at you.’ d) (Kegg 1991:114-115) Mii gaa-onji-gosag, “Ingitigaan” gii-izhid. that why I was scared of him my garden he told me ‘I was really scared of him because he said “Ingitigaan ‘my garden’” to me.’ In (40a,b), there is no one word which means ‘because’; rather, it is the arrangement of clauses and context which allows a causal relationship. In other words, causality is pragmatically inferred. For both examples in (40c,d), it is the use of the relative root onji- which allows a causation interpretation. The fact that onzaam is non-obligatory is not surprising, since discourse markers are commonly said to be “non-obligatory utterance-initial items that function in relation to ongoing talk and text” (Schiffrin 2001:57). The fact that other linguistic devices may do the work that onzaam does is not surprising as well, since, as Schiffrin argues for English, discourse work may be accomplished by other linguistic devices, such as lexical repetition, reiteration, thematic continuity on the local levels (clause to clause), meta-linguistic phrases, and syntactic parallels (Schiffrin 1987:57-59). Here, it is asyndetic and grammatical devices which do the work that onzaam may optionally perform as a discourse marker. 86
3.1.1.4 dibishkoo In the dictionary, dibishkoo is listed as ‘just like, even, equal, direct’ (Nichols and Nyholm 1995:45). At the sentence level, those meanings are indeed in effect. The following are typical examples of dibishkoo. (41) dibishkoo a) (Kegg 1991:14) Mii ezhi-desa’oniked, dibishkoo go nibaagan. that and so makes a platform just like EMPH a bed ‘She made a platform just like a bed.’ b) (Mille Lacs Sessions) Gaawiin na mii iw dibishkoo…? not INTERR DP that same as ‘Isn’t that the same as….?’ c) (Kegg 1991:60-61) Dibishkoo, bakwezhigaansan miinawaa ziinzibaakwadoons indashamig just like cookies and candy she fed me a’aw adaawewininiikwe; … that lady storekeeper ‘The storekeeper fed me things like cookies and candy, …’ 87
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OJIBWE DISCOURSE MARKERS A DISSERTA
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Acknowledgements I am indebted to t
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For the elders at Mille Lacs and fo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgements
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1.0 Introduction and background In
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influenced by this already existing
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While many speakers from other Minn
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discussed within the body of this t
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use as they occurred in real time w
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‘someone’s fingernail’ (see N
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In some cases, however, where a nar
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adherence to the rule suggested her
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To further compound an already comp
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conjunction and (in sentence level
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DMs function in relation to aspects
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d) But, I went into the army (p. 15
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(7) Marker because (Schiffrin 1987:
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In (9a), because connects two actio
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their referential and/or grammatica
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communicator presents just enough e
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“[i]nferential comprehension invo
Page 43 and 44: Elements which do not relate some s
Page 45 and 46: 1990:391). Since most researchers a
Page 47 and 48: inventory is replete with an array
Page 49 and 50: (12) Sentence-final 21 a) Korean (P
Page 51 and 52: 2.3.2 Clitics and affixes As it tur
Page 53 and 54: lead to the man’s death. Relevant
Page 55 and 56: internal evaluation, denoting main
Page 57 and 58: interpersonal discourse markers can
Page 59 and 60: (18) Spanish ya (Koike 1996:275-276
Page 61 and 62: occur in a variety of non-initial p
Page 63 and 64: (Bazzanella 1990:633 for insomma),
Page 65 and 66: via the processes of tense, aspect,
Page 67 and 68: which is the core defining feature
Page 69 and 70: so that the discourse happens in on
Page 71 and 72: 3.1 Discourse connectives 3.1.1 Ini
Page 73 and 74: c) Nashke! AT ‘Look!, See!, Liste
Page 75 and 76: speaker to set that information off
Page 77 and 78: ) Shke, wa’aw nookomisiban mii-ko
Page 79 and 80: ) Nashke azhigwa eni-apiitiziyaan,
Page 81 and 82: predicted event. In (29b), the spea
Page 83 and 84: two subordinate verb phrases (subor
Page 85 and 86: a) ‘“Nobody will live there on
Page 87 and 88: (34) English discourse marker and a
Page 89 and 90: (36) miinawaa (Kegg 1991:152-153) a
Page 91 and 92: 1987:128). A quick scan of the Ojib
Page 93: Minnesota dialect) appears not to h
Page 97 and 98: The use of dibishkoo in both exampl
Page 99 and 100: ge-miinigooyang. that we’ll be gi
Page 101 and 102: c) Giwiisin. d) Mii wiisiniyan. (in
Page 103 and 104: (47) Discourse sequencer (Benjamin
Page 105 and 106: the sentence level within the disco
Page 107 and 108: Note that in (49a,c) where the exam
Page 109 and 110: selecting a contrastive relationshi
Page 111 and 112: eak from further elaboration within
Page 113 and 114: In the stories examined for this th
Page 115 and 116: 3.1.2.1.1 Digressions There is furt
Page 117 and 118: f) “Mii imaa iniw ozidan, bakaan
Page 119 and 120: preceding clause sang spiritual son
Page 121 and 122: (59) idash (Clark 1998:8, audio) a)
Page 123 and 124: make use of the coordinator miinawa
Page 125 and 126: (62) Relative roots invoke initial
Page 127 and 128: advance a narrative to the next eve
Page 129 and 130: knowledge of their use, but because
Page 131 and 132: some time and effort trying to figu
Page 133 and 134: spots on your fingernails’, giga-
Page 135 and 136: c) Mii-gegaa gii-pi-niboyaan. so-al
Page 137 and 138: outside the imperative construction
Page 139 and 140: (71) Justifying function of aaniish
Page 141 and 142: (72) Extra-topical background infor
Page 143 and 144: speaker was given a new horse, and
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3.2.2.1.1 isa as a marker of closin
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3.2.2.1.2 isa as a marker of relinq
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descriptions, however, are not impo
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3.2.2.1.4 isa as a marker of result
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The initial event in (81a-b) is the
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Another example of this usage appea
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(84) isa (Jones 1917:4-5) a) O’ow
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speaker to exert and validate the I
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the speaker, once a topic or event
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Though the English translation does
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accompanies the expression and prov
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Not captured in (92a) is Speaker A
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In (93d), Speaker C, not yet knowin
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Here, sha reveals the unreasonablen
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(97) gosha (Kegg 1991:104-105) a) M
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an interjection (i.e. a discourse r
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a) ‘A girl and her grandmother we
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) Wegonen da? INTER CP ‘What now?
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) Ojibwemon bina naa! speak Ojibwe
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(106) bina within jussive construct
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(108) bina (text communication) a)
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eference to time (although time is
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speakers to speak about topics with
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c) Baanimaa igo naa wenji-gizhibaab
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The little girl in this story was t
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wants to express the equivalent of
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naa has the force of the English lo
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The first token of naa in (120a) ap
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weight of the English damn it, they
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going to eat, as independent order
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Here, the individual uses of both d
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The uncle’s initial utterance to
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4.0 Conjunct order as a discourse m
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The verbs in bold type in (131a) an
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conjoin larger discourse units abov
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The subordinate nature of the conju
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conjunct gii-pabanaazomag is not ac
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4.1.3 Situational immediacy There i
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mark these events as being more sal
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d) Chi-ayizhinoo’oyangid iw. very
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c) Haaw niinawind imbaapi’idimin
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without izhi remain as plain conjun
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jiigikana imbaapi’idimin niinawin
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verb. If carrying eventline informa
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d) They got around in boats. e) The
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describe these elements (which in i
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existed (and it might), it would be
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REFERENCES Abraham, Werner. 1991. D
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Clark, James. 1998. Oshkaabewis Nat
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Jucker, Andreas H. and Sara W. Smit
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Rhodes, Richard 1979. Some aspects
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Wilson, Deirdre. 1994. Discourse ma
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