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(103) Attention-getter da (Kegg 1991:84-85) Miish a’aw inzhishenh, “Da, niiyawen’, da, niiyawen’ maajaan, and then that my uncle DM my namesake DM my namesake leave naadin i’iw imbaashkizigan,” … get it that my gun ‘My uncle said, “Hey, my namesake, hey, my namesake, go and get my gun…’ As do other mystery particles, clarification particle da also appears in discourse marker clusters. These discourse marker clusters will be discussed later, but an individual accounting of da here will help to understand their usage within clusters. This discussion is reserved for Section 3.2.2.7.3.1. 3.2.2.5 bina Mystery particle bina has a core function of strengthening the illocutionary force of imperatives, having the force of the English damn it!, you had better do it!, etc. When used with imperatives (which appears to be its most common usage), the speaker is usually urging (almost berating) an interlocutor to do something that interlocutor knows s/he should do. The following example shows this type of usage. (104) bina a) Ojibwemotawishin bina! speak Ojibwe to me DM ‘Speak Ojibwe to me damn it!’ (feeling: since you speak the language) 172
) Ojibwemon bina naa! speak Ojibwe to me DM DM ‘Speak Ojibwe damn it!’ While the imperative form ojibwemotawishin in (104a) is quite direct in itself, its propositional content is strengthened even more by the use of bina. One of my consultants recounted to me once that he would use the imperative (with bina) in (104a) with other Ojibwe speakers when they would use English with him, rather than Ojibwe. I have personally heard one of my consultants use the imperative (with bina naa) in (104b) with another elder who complained that no one speaks Ojibwe anymore. 61 For both of these examples, since it is well known among Ojibwe speakers that Ojibwe is an endangered language, the general expectation is that it should be used whenever possible, especially between native speakers. In essence, the speaker sees the interlocutor’s actions as contradictory to general expectation (or at least, to the speaker’s expectation) and tries to correct that action by an imperative expression, accenting it with bina. When used with Ojibwe jussive expressions, bina has the same effect, increasing the illocutionary force of the jussive expression. A jussive, according to Trask, is like a “third-person imperative” in that it is an imperative expression such as the English Let them eat cake! where an imperative form is interpreted as being directed at someone other than the addressee (see Trask 1993:150). In Ojibwe, jussive constructions usually involve the use of maanoo ‘let it be’, as in the following examples. 61 Discourse marker naa will be discussed in detail in Section 3.2.2.7.3.1. 173
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OJIBWE DISCOURSE MARKERS A DISSERTA
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Acknowledgements I am indebted to t
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For the elders at Mille Lacs and fo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgements
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1.0 Introduction and background In
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influenced by this already existing
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While many speakers from other Minn
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discussed within the body of this t
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use as they occurred in real time w
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‘someone’s fingernail’ (see N
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In some cases, however, where a nar
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adherence to the rule suggested her
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To further compound an already comp
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conjunction and (in sentence level
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DMs function in relation to aspects
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d) But, I went into the army (p. 15
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(7) Marker because (Schiffrin 1987:
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In (9a), because connects two actio
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their referential and/or grammatica
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communicator presents just enough e
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“[i]nferential comprehension invo
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Elements which do not relate some s
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1990:391). Since most researchers a
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inventory is replete with an array
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(12) Sentence-final 21 a) Korean (P
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2.3.2 Clitics and affixes As it tur
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lead to the man’s death. Relevant
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internal evaluation, denoting main
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interpersonal discourse markers can
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(18) Spanish ya (Koike 1996:275-276
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occur in a variety of non-initial p
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(Bazzanella 1990:633 for insomma),
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via the processes of tense, aspect,
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which is the core defining feature
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so that the discourse happens in on
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3.1 Discourse connectives 3.1.1 Ini
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c) Nashke! AT ‘Look!, See!, Liste
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speaker to set that information off
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) Shke, wa’aw nookomisiban mii-ko
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) Nashke azhigwa eni-apiitiziyaan,
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predicted event. In (29b), the spea
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two subordinate verb phrases (subor
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a) ‘“Nobody will live there on
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(34) English discourse marker and a
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(36) miinawaa (Kegg 1991:152-153) a
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1987:128). A quick scan of the Ojib
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Minnesota dialect) appears not to h
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3.1.1.4 dibishkoo In the dictionary
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The use of dibishkoo in both exampl
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ge-miinigooyang. that we’ll be gi
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c) Giwiisin. d) Mii wiisiniyan. (in
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(47) Discourse sequencer (Benjamin
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the sentence level within the disco
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Note that in (49a,c) where the exam
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selecting a contrastive relationshi
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eak from further elaboration within
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In the stories examined for this th
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3.1.2.1.1 Digressions There is furt
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f) “Mii imaa iniw ozidan, bakaan
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preceding clause sang spiritual son
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(59) idash (Clark 1998:8, audio) a)
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make use of the coordinator miinawa
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(62) Relative roots invoke initial
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advance a narrative to the next eve
Page 129 and 130: knowledge of their use, but because
Page 131 and 132: some time and effort trying to figu
Page 133 and 134: spots on your fingernails’, giga-
Page 135 and 136: c) Mii-gegaa gii-pi-niboyaan. so-al
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Page 139 and 140: (71) Justifying function of aaniish
Page 141 and 142: (72) Extra-topical background infor
Page 143 and 144: speaker was given a new horse, and
Page 145 and 146: 3.2.2.1.1 isa as a marker of closin
Page 147 and 148: 3.2.2.1.2 isa as a marker of relinq
Page 149 and 150: descriptions, however, are not impo
Page 151 and 152: 3.2.2.1.4 isa as a marker of result
Page 153 and 154: The initial event in (81a-b) is the
Page 155 and 156: Another example of this usage appea
Page 157 and 158: (84) isa (Jones 1917:4-5) a) O’ow
Page 159 and 160: speaker to exert and validate the I
Page 161 and 162: the speaker, once a topic or event
Page 163 and 164: Though the English translation does
Page 165 and 166: accompanies the expression and prov
Page 167 and 168: Not captured in (92a) is Speaker A
Page 169 and 170: In (93d), Speaker C, not yet knowin
Page 171 and 172: Here, sha reveals the unreasonablen
Page 173 and 174: (97) gosha (Kegg 1991:104-105) a) M
Page 175 and 176: an interjection (i.e. a discourse r
Page 177 and 178: a) ‘A girl and her grandmother we
Page 179: ) Wegonen da? INTER CP ‘What now?
Page 183 and 184: (106) bina within jussive construct
Page 185 and 186: (108) bina (text communication) a)
Page 187 and 188: eference to time (although time is
Page 189 and 190: speakers to speak about topics with
Page 191 and 192: c) Baanimaa igo naa wenji-gizhibaab
Page 193 and 194: The little girl in this story was t
Page 195 and 196: wants to express the equivalent of
Page 197 and 198: naa has the force of the English lo
Page 199 and 200: The first token of naa in (120a) ap
Page 201 and 202: weight of the English damn it, they
Page 203 and 204: going to eat, as independent order
Page 205 and 206: Here, the individual uses of both d
Page 207 and 208: The uncle’s initial utterance to
Page 209 and 210: 4.0 Conjunct order as a discourse m
Page 211 and 212: The verbs in bold type in (131a) an
Page 213 and 214: conjoin larger discourse units abov
Page 215 and 216: The subordinate nature of the conju
Page 217 and 218: conjunct gii-pabanaazomag is not ac
Page 219 and 220: 4.1.3 Situational immediacy There i
Page 221 and 222: mark these events as being more sal
Page 223 and 224: d) Chi-ayizhinoo’oyangid iw. very
Page 225 and 226: c) Haaw niinawind imbaapi’idimin
Page 227 and 228: without izhi remain as plain conjun
Page 229 and 230: jiigikana imbaapi’idimin niinawin
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verb. If carrying eventline informa
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d) They got around in boats. e) The
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describe these elements (which in i
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existed (and it might), it would be
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REFERENCES Abraham, Werner. 1991. D
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Clark, James. 1998. Oshkaabewis Nat
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Jucker, Andreas H. and Sara W. Smit
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Rhodes, Richard 1979. Some aspects
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Wilson, Deirdre. 1994. Discourse ma
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