A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE ...

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The speaker is relying on two types of evidence in making her deductive statement in (119). First, she can visibly see the kids getting darker. Second, it is her past personal experience that Ojibwe kids get darker when playing in the sun. Therefore, again, her use of naa in this example cannot be a hedge (as one might argue), but a statement deduced from both the visual evidence and personal experience. There is no doubt about the fact that the Ojibwe kids will become darker over time, and the use of naa here allows the speakers to express this deductive knowledge. The following example shows that speakers may use naa in making deductive statements based upon residual evidence of an event, rather than from actually witnessing it. For example, in one story, some butchered snapping turtles were stolen from a barrel inside a cabin. Because the speaker did not actually see who or what took and ate the snapping turtles, he could only deduce what must have happened based upon the evidence, i.e. turtles are gone, big footsteps spotted around the cabin, and a broken window. He then makes the following assertions, all accented by naa. (120) Evidentiary function of naa (Kegg 1991:90-91) a) “Awegwenag naa. I don’t know who they are DM b) Wenda-gichi-mamaangizidewag naa ingiw. they have very big feet DM those c) Mii iidog naa gaa-izhi-niigoshkamowaad i'iw waasechigan,” ikido… that DUB DM then they broke it that window say a) ‘“I don’t know what they are [naa]. b) They [naa] have really big feet. c) They must [naa] have broken the window,” he said…’ 190
The first token of naa in (120a) appears to be the wonder particle, since the speaker appears to be wondering who could have taken the turtles from the cabin. The last two tokens in (120b,c) appear to be the evidentiary usage, since the speaker is making generalizations based upon the evidence left behind by the culprit. Again, it does not appear to be the hedge function, since the speaker does not appear to be hedging giving the circumstances; rather, he is reconstructing what happened based upon the visual evidence he saw at the cabin. 3.2.2.7.3 naa as a pleading particle Discourse marker naa has another function as well. Within imperative expressions, naa has a strengthening effect, adding a feeling that the speaker is urging or pleading with interlocutors, and has the force of the English expression come on! Therefore, when speakers use naa to accent imperatives, mystery particle naa increases the overall illocutionary force of the imperative by increasing the emotional tug of the imperative. In the following elicited examples, my consultants suggest that the one with naa is the stronger imperative. (121) Pleading particle naa a) Daga bi-naazhishin! please come get me ‘Please come get me!’ 191
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OJIBWE DISCOURSE MARKERS A DISSERTA
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Acknowledgements I am indebted to t
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For the elders at Mille Lacs and fo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgements
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1.0 Introduction and background In
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influenced by this already existing
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While many speakers from other Minn
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discussed within the body of this t
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use as they occurred in real time w
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‘someone’s fingernail’ (see N
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In some cases, however, where a nar
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adherence to the rule suggested her
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To further compound an already comp
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conjunction and (in sentence level
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DMs function in relation to aspects
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d) But, I went into the army (p. 15
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(7) Marker because (Schiffrin 1987:
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In (9a), because connects two actio
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their referential and/or grammatica
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communicator presents just enough e
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“[i]nferential comprehension invo
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Elements which do not relate some s
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1990:391). Since most researchers a
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inventory is replete with an array
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(12) Sentence-final 21 a) Korean (P
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2.3.2 Clitics and affixes As it tur
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lead to the man’s death. Relevant
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internal evaluation, denoting main
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interpersonal discourse markers can
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(18) Spanish ya (Koike 1996:275-276
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occur in a variety of non-initial p
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(Bazzanella 1990:633 for insomma),
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via the processes of tense, aspect,
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which is the core defining feature
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so that the discourse happens in on
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3.1 Discourse connectives 3.1.1 Ini
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c) Nashke! AT ‘Look!, See!, Liste
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speaker to set that information off
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) Shke, wa’aw nookomisiban mii-ko
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) Nashke azhigwa eni-apiitiziyaan,
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predicted event. In (29b), the spea
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two subordinate verb phrases (subor
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a) ‘“Nobody will live there on
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(34) English discourse marker and a
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(36) miinawaa (Kegg 1991:152-153) a
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1987:128). A quick scan of the Ojib
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Minnesota dialect) appears not to h
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3.1.1.4 dibishkoo In the dictionary
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The use of dibishkoo in both exampl
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ge-miinigooyang. that we’ll be gi
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c) Giwiisin. d) Mii wiisiniyan. (in
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(47) Discourse sequencer (Benjamin
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the sentence level within the disco
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Note that in (49a,c) where the exam
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selecting a contrastive relationshi
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eak from further elaboration within
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In the stories examined for this th
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3.1.2.1.1 Digressions There is furt
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f) “Mii imaa iniw ozidan, bakaan
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preceding clause sang spiritual son
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(59) idash (Clark 1998:8, audio) a)
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make use of the coordinator miinawa
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(62) Relative roots invoke initial
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advance a narrative to the next eve
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knowledge of their use, but because
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some time and effort trying to figu
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spots on your fingernails’, giga-
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c) Mii-gegaa gii-pi-niboyaan. so-al
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outside the imperative construction
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(71) Justifying function of aaniish
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(72) Extra-topical background infor
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speaker was given a new horse, and
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3.2.2.1.1 isa as a marker of closin
Page 147 and 148: 3.2.2.1.2 isa as a marker of relinq
Page 149 and 150: descriptions, however, are not impo
Page 151 and 152: 3.2.2.1.4 isa as a marker of result
Page 153 and 154: The initial event in (81a-b) is the
Page 155 and 156: Another example of this usage appea
Page 157 and 158: (84) isa (Jones 1917:4-5) a) O’ow
Page 159 and 160: speaker to exert and validate the I
Page 161 and 162: the speaker, once a topic or event
Page 163 and 164: Though the English translation does
Page 165 and 166: accompanies the expression and prov
Page 167 and 168: Not captured in (92a) is Speaker A
Page 169 and 170: In (93d), Speaker C, not yet knowin
Page 171 and 172: Here, sha reveals the unreasonablen
Page 173 and 174: (97) gosha (Kegg 1991:104-105) a) M
Page 175 and 176: an interjection (i.e. a discourse r
Page 177 and 178: a) ‘A girl and her grandmother we
Page 179 and 180: ) Wegonen da? INTER CP ‘What now?
Page 181 and 182: ) Ojibwemon bina naa! speak Ojibwe
Page 183 and 184: (106) bina within jussive construct
Page 185 and 186: (108) bina (text communication) a)
Page 187 and 188: eference to time (although time is
Page 189 and 190: speakers to speak about topics with
Page 191 and 192: c) Baanimaa igo naa wenji-gizhibaab
Page 193 and 194: The little girl in this story was t
Page 195 and 196: wants to express the equivalent of
Page 197: naa has the force of the English lo
Page 201 and 202: weight of the English damn it, they
Page 203 and 204: going to eat, as independent order
Page 205 and 206: Here, the individual uses of both d
Page 207 and 208: The uncle’s initial utterance to
Page 209 and 210: 4.0 Conjunct order as a discourse m
Page 211 and 212: The verbs in bold type in (131a) an
Page 213 and 214: conjoin larger discourse units abov
Page 215 and 216: The subordinate nature of the conju
Page 217 and 218: conjunct gii-pabanaazomag is not ac
Page 219 and 220: 4.1.3 Situational immediacy There i
Page 221 and 222: mark these events as being more sal
Page 223 and 224: d) Chi-ayizhinoo’oyangid iw. very
Page 225 and 226: c) Haaw niinawind imbaapi’idimin
Page 227 and 228: without izhi remain as plain conjun
Page 229 and 230: jiigikana imbaapi’idimin niinawin
Page 231 and 232: verb. If carrying eventline informa
Page 233 and 234: d) They got around in boats. e) The
Page 235 and 236: describe these elements (which in i
Page 237 and 238: existed (and it might), it would be
Page 239 and 240: REFERENCES Abraham, Werner. 1991. D
Page 241 and 242: Clark, James. 1998. Oshkaabewis Nat
Page 243 and 244: Jucker, Andreas H. and Sara W. Smit
Page 245 and 246: Rhodes, Richard 1979. Some aspects
Page 247: Wilson, Deirdre. 1994. Discourse ma
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