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National Experiences - British Commission for Military History

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pr e s e n ta z i o n i / pr é s e n tat i o n s 15<br />

Vi n c e n z o ca M P o r i n i 1 *<br />

T<br />

here couldn’t be a better time to present the public with this collection<br />

of essays which analyse, from different <strong>National</strong> points of view<br />

(and there<strong>for</strong>e from different cultural points of view), air power and<br />

its essential contribution, both in theory and in action, to the employment of<br />

the military instrument in international affairs management, through different<br />

historical moments linked in a fully coherent continuum. The topical interest<br />

of this issue is due to the events of the last twenty years, when different modes<br />

of employment of the armed <strong>for</strong>ces and very different and sometimes opposed<br />

doctrines have been applied, thus allowing observers and analysts to support<br />

each his own, often contrasting, thesis.<br />

Thus, the first Gulf War, conducted in a very traditional way, witnessed a massive<br />

and almost exclusive use of air power in the first phase, which actually destroyed the<br />

capabilities of Saddam’s strong land <strong>for</strong>ces. At the beginning of the land campaign,<br />

the latter could only oppose a weak resistance, carried out in a single and fruitless<br />

attempt at counter-offensive: they had been so worn out by air raids that they didn’t<br />

actually represent an obstacle <strong>for</strong> the coalition <strong>for</strong>ces, who stopped be<strong>for</strong>e reaching<br />

Baghdad due to the political will to prevent the collapse of Iraqi institutions.<br />

In the Balkans campaigns there was a more political use of air <strong>for</strong>ces which, besides<br />

operational aims (the denial <strong>for</strong> Belgrade to use air <strong>for</strong>ce in support of their<br />

own land operations), were meant to put pressure on Milosevic to make him accept<br />

NATO conditions. That explains the effectiveness of the 1995 short raid campaign,<br />

which saw the participation of our Tornados and brought the Serbians to the negotiation<br />

table, leading to the Dayton agreement. The conflict was thus solved by the use<br />

of the air <strong>for</strong>ce.<br />

A few years later, during the crisis in Kosovo, in a similar context, we thought<br />

the same strategy could be applied, and that a few days of calibrated raids would<br />

be enough to bring about a political solution. On the contrary, it took almost three<br />

months to bend Milosevic’s will, despite the effective guerilla conducted on the terrain<br />

by Kosovo militia. Then, the Kumanovo agreement was signed and coalition<br />

troops could enter Kosovo in a permissive environment: but the level of tension was<br />

such that their presence on the terrain had to be extended well beyond plans. It was<br />

thus proved that, in the political context that followed the fall of the Berlin wall, the<br />

political goals of a military mission could only be achieved by the various components<br />

of the military instrument working together in a coordinated and consistent way.<br />

Then, there was Afghanistan, a very peculiar operational environment where,<br />

*1 General A.M., <strong>for</strong>mer Chief of Defence Staff.

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