icegov2012 proceedings
icegov2012 proceedings
icegov2012 proceedings
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Here the authors wish to extend the analysis of the ECP project by<br />
gauging against the success factor model proposed by Sandy and<br />
Macmillian [29] to evaluate the internal effects on the government<br />
based on six points:<br />
Cost: Governments need to find cost effective solutions to ensure<br />
funding and look into options for joint operations. In this case,<br />
even buying services from MNO in the long-term or in a bulk<br />
package lasting only during the verification drive, might have<br />
further lessened or eliminated the charge of the service on the<br />
public, perhaps making it more inclusive. Who might pay for the<br />
novelty of receiving an SMS for a service viewed as too<br />
expensive? After all e-government services tend to have an elastic<br />
demand [24] and do not stand the test of the cost distribution well.<br />
Similarly, attracting and keeping staff with “requisite agility” will<br />
make for a self-conscious government that can adequately handle<br />
and deal with citizen demand [5].<br />
Business Reengineering: A central authority and political support<br />
in the form of a coordinated and bench-marked national egovernment<br />
plan with specific m-government services recognized<br />
with clearly defined deliverables would ensure a better and<br />
cohesive strategy. This would mean that dependency on legacy<br />
systems be reduced and government should try to keep or<br />
maintain central databases or platforms that can be used to test,<br />
pilot-run and launch e-government or m-government initiatives,<br />
which will prove to be launching pads and resource centres for all<br />
departments and sectors.<br />
Education: Better access and training programs to ensure adoption<br />
of m-government initiatives so as to have stronger back office<br />
work. Identifying and maintaining open source international<br />
standards that would make it easier for both employees and public<br />
to remain at the top of the infrastructural game and the everchanging<br />
technology blitz.<br />
Acceptance: There should be ownership of the projects to ensure<br />
that the increased participation of the public is handled well or it<br />
would have a reverse effect on inclusive nature of m-government.<br />
Here, the popularity of the e-Sahulat programme over the Kiosk<br />
system may explain the local populace’s preference for human<br />
interaction rather than machine-human interfaces [3]. For this<br />
purpose, incorporating government officials in the design and<br />
feedback of such initiatives will create interest. Supporting<br />
employees with technically sound and well-fitted offices with<br />
clearly defined job descriptions will ensure accountability.<br />
Security: Data loss in terms of device theft can be limited by<br />
ensuring that mobile phone SIMs are registered against CNICs.<br />
Similarly providing access to an online temporary identification<br />
should also be accepted in case of ID theft. Data protocols on<br />
office machinery should be defined and stripped down for work<br />
purposes only and IT administrators should have strict policies<br />
against external data storage devices in workplaces. These<br />
policies currently prevail in NADRA offices.<br />
Access: Providing key infrastructure to all actors, both within and<br />
without the government. Presence of content in local language,<br />
regular and audited updating of CMS system and providing<br />
similar opportunities for people with physical disability and<br />
special needs will ensure equal access for all.<br />
163<br />
5.1 Litmus Test- Requisite Agility of the<br />
CERS II and SMS application<br />
Coming to the last factor- has the governance module succeeded<br />
with this initiative? Coupling this system with the aforementioned<br />
electoral bill, the CNIC numbers have essentially become unique<br />
identifying factors in elections. The ECP’s initiative has the<br />
potential to promote transparency and would help in removal of<br />
defunct or fraudulent votes from the vote bank - hence the<br />
strengthening of related factors of openness, accountability and<br />
participation. Here, one recent incident that was reported during<br />
the verification procedure serves as a litmus test of this initiative’s<br />
working. After the display of electoral rolls, a member of national<br />
and another of provincial assembly observed abnormal increase in<br />
the electorate records of their respective constituencies and<br />
reported it to the ECP. The ECP gave NADRA and its provincial<br />
election commission office a forty-eight hour deadline to explain<br />
the cause behind this anomaly. Not only was the mistake traced<br />
and rectified, but NADRA investigated that five people had tried<br />
to manually fill thousands of vote-transfer forms and migrated<br />
voters in these districts. As they had submitted these forms with<br />
some identification, NADRA used the biometric assets of the<br />
CNIC and traced the culprits. Similar patterns were also traced out<br />
in two other constituencies and rectified [9] [26].<br />
6. CONCLUSION<br />
Encouraging as the result of this debilitation may be, it is<br />
however, difficult to say as to what extent governance will be<br />
fostered by this initiative in the long run despite its wide usage<br />
and demonstrated benefits. But the ECP-NADRA app surely is a<br />
unique experiment in strengthening the democratic culture in<br />
Pakistan. Apart from NADRA’s kiosk machine project and an<br />
eSahulat programme, the ECP SMS app can be considered as<br />
another contribution in the category of alternative channel of<br />
electronic public service delivery which excludes the web portal<br />
as a main communication medium. This app has tried to exploit<br />
the most frequently used gadget, i.e., a mobile phone which does<br />
not even have to be a smart phone to use this app. For a young<br />
democracy like Pakistan the ECP-NADRA collaboration seems to<br />
have contributed to a larger extent in assuring the effective<br />
participation and/or voting equality in Dahl’s sense of effective<br />
democracy. The way multiple governmental agency have<br />
collaborated in the preparation of electoral rolls, the ECP and<br />
NADRA have set up a decent example for other developing<br />
countries how vertical boundaries can be overcome in such inter<br />
agency collaborations. M-government presents a substantive case<br />
in enfranchising the participatory nature and equal rights to<br />
information sharing for all citizens. Once this information divide<br />
is plugged, participation may seep into the public policy<br />
formulation sphere. However, the external implication of mgovernment<br />
on public is not the only factor in their success.<br />
The internal implications that m-government will have in making<br />
the government effective and efficient in its function is also<br />
important. There is diverse literature from organisational<br />
behaviour studies that shows that lack of ownership for projects<br />
from within governments can kill the most promising innovations.<br />
The public and governments are generally seen as complacent in<br />
their business models and more so when accountability and<br />
checks and balances are absent or hindered by fledging,<br />
discontinuous democracies. This is also the political case of<br />
Pakistan, where change in governments leads to entire and sudden<br />
shifts in policy which means squandering the already deficit