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Here the authors wish to extend the analysis of the ECP project by<br />

gauging against the success factor model proposed by Sandy and<br />

Macmillian [29] to evaluate the internal effects on the government<br />

based on six points:<br />

Cost: Governments need to find cost effective solutions to ensure<br />

funding and look into options for joint operations. In this case,<br />

even buying services from MNO in the long-term or in a bulk<br />

package lasting only during the verification drive, might have<br />

further lessened or eliminated the charge of the service on the<br />

public, perhaps making it more inclusive. Who might pay for the<br />

novelty of receiving an SMS for a service viewed as too<br />

expensive? After all e-government services tend to have an elastic<br />

demand [24] and do not stand the test of the cost distribution well.<br />

Similarly, attracting and keeping staff with “requisite agility” will<br />

make for a self-conscious government that can adequately handle<br />

and deal with citizen demand [5].<br />

Business Reengineering: A central authority and political support<br />

in the form of a coordinated and bench-marked national egovernment<br />

plan with specific m-government services recognized<br />

with clearly defined deliverables would ensure a better and<br />

cohesive strategy. This would mean that dependency on legacy<br />

systems be reduced and government should try to keep or<br />

maintain central databases or platforms that can be used to test,<br />

pilot-run and launch e-government or m-government initiatives,<br />

which will prove to be launching pads and resource centres for all<br />

departments and sectors.<br />

Education: Better access and training programs to ensure adoption<br />

of m-government initiatives so as to have stronger back office<br />

work. Identifying and maintaining open source international<br />

standards that would make it easier for both employees and public<br />

to remain at the top of the infrastructural game and the everchanging<br />

technology blitz.<br />

Acceptance: There should be ownership of the projects to ensure<br />

that the increased participation of the public is handled well or it<br />

would have a reverse effect on inclusive nature of m-government.<br />

Here, the popularity of the e-Sahulat programme over the Kiosk<br />

system may explain the local populace’s preference for human<br />

interaction rather than machine-human interfaces [3]. For this<br />

purpose, incorporating government officials in the design and<br />

feedback of such initiatives will create interest. Supporting<br />

employees with technically sound and well-fitted offices with<br />

clearly defined job descriptions will ensure accountability.<br />

Security: Data loss in terms of device theft can be limited by<br />

ensuring that mobile phone SIMs are registered against CNICs.<br />

Similarly providing access to an online temporary identification<br />

should also be accepted in case of ID theft. Data protocols on<br />

office machinery should be defined and stripped down for work<br />

purposes only and IT administrators should have strict policies<br />

against external data storage devices in workplaces. These<br />

policies currently prevail in NADRA offices.<br />

Access: Providing key infrastructure to all actors, both within and<br />

without the government. Presence of content in local language,<br />

regular and audited updating of CMS system and providing<br />

similar opportunities for people with physical disability and<br />

special needs will ensure equal access for all.<br />

163<br />

5.1 Litmus Test- Requisite Agility of the<br />

CERS II and SMS application<br />

Coming to the last factor- has the governance module succeeded<br />

with this initiative? Coupling this system with the aforementioned<br />

electoral bill, the CNIC numbers have essentially become unique<br />

identifying factors in elections. The ECP’s initiative has the<br />

potential to promote transparency and would help in removal of<br />

defunct or fraudulent votes from the vote bank - hence the<br />

strengthening of related factors of openness, accountability and<br />

participation. Here, one recent incident that was reported during<br />

the verification procedure serves as a litmus test of this initiative’s<br />

working. After the display of electoral rolls, a member of national<br />

and another of provincial assembly observed abnormal increase in<br />

the electorate records of their respective constituencies and<br />

reported it to the ECP. The ECP gave NADRA and its provincial<br />

election commission office a forty-eight hour deadline to explain<br />

the cause behind this anomaly. Not only was the mistake traced<br />

and rectified, but NADRA investigated that five people had tried<br />

to manually fill thousands of vote-transfer forms and migrated<br />

voters in these districts. As they had submitted these forms with<br />

some identification, NADRA used the biometric assets of the<br />

CNIC and traced the culprits. Similar patterns were also traced out<br />

in two other constituencies and rectified [9] [26].<br />

6. CONCLUSION<br />

Encouraging as the result of this debilitation may be, it is<br />

however, difficult to say as to what extent governance will be<br />

fostered by this initiative in the long run despite its wide usage<br />

and demonstrated benefits. But the ECP-NADRA app surely is a<br />

unique experiment in strengthening the democratic culture in<br />

Pakistan. Apart from NADRA’s kiosk machine project and an<br />

eSahulat programme, the ECP SMS app can be considered as<br />

another contribution in the category of alternative channel of<br />

electronic public service delivery which excludes the web portal<br />

as a main communication medium. This app has tried to exploit<br />

the most frequently used gadget, i.e., a mobile phone which does<br />

not even have to be a smart phone to use this app. For a young<br />

democracy like Pakistan the ECP-NADRA collaboration seems to<br />

have contributed to a larger extent in assuring the effective<br />

participation and/or voting equality in Dahl’s sense of effective<br />

democracy. The way multiple governmental agency have<br />

collaborated in the preparation of electoral rolls, the ECP and<br />

NADRA have set up a decent example for other developing<br />

countries how vertical boundaries can be overcome in such inter<br />

agency collaborations. M-government presents a substantive case<br />

in enfranchising the participatory nature and equal rights to<br />

information sharing for all citizens. Once this information divide<br />

is plugged, participation may seep into the public policy<br />

formulation sphere. However, the external implication of mgovernment<br />

on public is not the only factor in their success.<br />

The internal implications that m-government will have in making<br />

the government effective and efficient in its function is also<br />

important. There is diverse literature from organisational<br />

behaviour studies that shows that lack of ownership for projects<br />

from within governments can kill the most promising innovations.<br />

The public and governments are generally seen as complacent in<br />

their business models and more so when accountability and<br />

checks and balances are absent or hindered by fledging,<br />

discontinuous democracies. This is also the political case of<br />

Pakistan, where change in governments leads to entire and sudden<br />

shifts in policy which means squandering the already deficit

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