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2.1 The Lei Azeredo<br />

If we analyze the main reasons mentioned by interviewees to<br />

justify why the MCR initiative emerged, most of events and<br />

contexts mentioned by interviewees make direct reference to the<br />

Lei Azeredo. The Lei Azeredo was a Bill of Law sent to the<br />

Lower chamber in 1999 (PL 84/99), and to the Senate in 2003<br />

(PLS 89/03). The Bill focused on regulating crimes over the<br />

Internet, framing Internet policy mainly from a Criminal Law<br />

perspective rather than from a Civil Law framework. The Lei<br />

Azeredo was heavily criticized by cyber activists, think thank<br />

organizations and particularly by Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s<br />

(Lula) government (2002-2010) for trying to regulate crimes over<br />

the Internet in a context where civic rights over the web were still<br />

not defined. In fact, as interviewees claim, the projects name<br />

“Marco Civil” (“Civil Regulatory Framework” in English) was<br />

chosen precisely to make clear their opposition to discussing<br />

criminal codes of conduct prior to securing civil rights and<br />

obligations related to Internet use.<br />

2.2 Cyber Activism<br />

The Lei Azeredo attracted, from the start, fierce criticism inside<br />

and outside online forums of debate, but it was mostly after 2009,<br />

with the launch of a blog know as “Mega não”, by the cyber<br />

activist João Caribé, that social opposition to the Lei Azeredo<br />

gained a coherent voice. The “Mega não” movement fuelled an<br />

intense activism in blogs, twitter and other social media that not<br />

only attracted even more online activists to the cause, but also<br />

received media coverage from niche national media and also<br />

motivated protest marches in a number of cities, having also<br />

themed important Internet-related events of the year [9].<br />

Interviewees argue that the existence of the “Mega não” social<br />

movement played a key role in the overall success of the MCR<br />

project. It is argued that those who were closely engaged with the<br />

“Mega não” movement were also those who pioneered the<br />

comment section of the project’s website; not only, activists<br />

linked to the “Mega não” movement were also said to be the ones<br />

who helped to publicize the MCR initiative by using their own<br />

twitter hashtags and blog networks to comment on the initiative.<br />

Interviewees mention that, at first, cyber activists were suspicious<br />

that their “bottom up” movement would be overlooked by the “top<br />

down” initiative they were being invited to join; nonetheless,<br />

interviewees say that gradually most “Mega não” supporters<br />

started to trust the MCR initiative as a real opportunity to push<br />

forward their own policy interests what, in return, attracted even<br />

more contributors and publicity to the MCR website.<br />

2.3 Policy Activism<br />

Another key element mentioned by interviewees refers to the<br />

policy activism of CTS. CTS was already known nationally and<br />

internationally for its policy agenda in favor of open source<br />

software, creative commons license, and other topics related to<br />

technology, law and society. Specifically in relation to the Lei<br />

Azeredo’s debate, CTS was also known for their two reports<br />

criticizing the draft bill proposal, which is perceived by<br />

interviewees to have increased their influence on government<br />

bodies, academics, and cyber activist networks.<br />

As interviewees from the Ministry of Justice claim, CTS’s public<br />

policy views were amongst the top reasons why they were called<br />

to co-author the MCR project. The Ministry of Justice was said to<br />

welcome CTS not only due to their opposition to the Lei Azeredo,<br />

40<br />

but also based on their shared ideas of designing online<br />

collaborative venues for policy making. And as interviewees from<br />

CTS argue, they welcomed the Ministry of Justice’s invitation<br />

because they perceived the initiative as an opportunity to push<br />

forward their own policy agenda, as much as a promising<br />

opportunity to influence politicians to support in the future policy<br />

debates based on collaborative online practices.<br />

2.4 Government’s Support<br />

The third element mentioned by interviewees as decisive in<br />

launching the MCR project was the executive government’s<br />

support. President Lula’s speech at the 2009 FILS international<br />

open-source conference is mentioned as the starting event for the<br />

entire initiative. During his speech, the president explicitly<br />

opposed to the Lei Azeredo’s proposal calling instead for an<br />

alternative bill securing Internet civic rights. Lula’s speech<br />

however was far from an isolated event; it simply illustrated a<br />

broad agenda pushed forward by the incumbent government to<br />

understand Internet as a challenging way of thinking civic social<br />

relations and governance. Experiences using Internet for policy<br />

making precede Lula’s government, backing to 1999 when IRC<br />

chat technology and blogs have been pilot for policy making<br />

inside government. Interviewees nonetheless stress that it was<br />

after Lula’s presidency start in 2002 that uses of Internet for<br />

policy development expanded. The role of the Ministry of Culture<br />

is mentioned as illustrative of this point, two projects in particular.<br />

The first, known as “Pontos de cultura”, linked government’s<br />

financial support to local cultural centers to the provision of<br />

Internet access to local community. The second, know as<br />

CulturaDigital.br, invited citizens to create and share their blogs<br />

and digital identities in a public and open-source Wordpress-based<br />

platform in order to foment policy deliberation online.<br />

2.5 Collaborative Policy Making Framework<br />

The last contextual element mentioned by interviewees refers to<br />

the emergence of new ways of combining law, society and<br />

technology. Due to the emergence of collaborative and networkbased<br />

technology, interviewees needed to re-conceptualize how<br />

their institutions understood knowledge production. CTS, the<br />

Ministry of Justice and the Ministry of Culture had pioneered in<br />

previous years several experiments investigating alternative<br />

governance models based on technology. CTS, for example, had<br />

been influential in supporting the use of the Creative Commons<br />

License; the Ministry of Justice and the Ministry of Culture<br />

piloted the portal Culturadigital.br, inviting cyber activists and<br />

hackers to share their opinions online. It is within this panorama<br />

that interviewees said to have welcomed the MCR project: as an<br />

opportunity to try out alternatives to the traditional governmentcentered,<br />

closed-doors process of policy making. As one<br />

interviewee phrases it, the MCR initiative was a “symbiotic<br />

movement between the way you define policy making, and the<br />

object of policy regulation … and it is within this ‘happy<br />

marriage’ between these two elements that we define what we<br />

aimed to achieve”.<br />

3. DESIGNING TECHNOLOGY FOR<br />

DELIBERATION<br />

One way to understand how policy forums are affected by web 2.0<br />

tools is evaluating, when public consultations are over, what<br />

answers citizens provided to government and what uses

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