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government made of citizens’ contributions. These questions refer<br />

to the analysis of later stages of policy making, and do not reflect<br />

the analysis provided here. From a different starting point, this<br />

section focuses on earlier stages of deliberative processes,<br />

specifically evaluating how policy makers decided before the<br />

public was invited to contribute online what policy questions were<br />

open or closed for deliberation, and what technologies would be<br />

used to mediate such debate.<br />

In the case of the MCR project, understanding what policy issues<br />

were open or closed was straightforward – the MCR website<br />

reserved one page to list all topics open for discussion (i.e., civil<br />

responsibility of Internet users, right of expression, privacy and<br />

net neutrality) and another to list all topics closed for debate (i.e.,<br />

copyright, data protection and child pornography). The list of<br />

issues mentioned in the webpage was included in the interview’s<br />

questionnaire, and interviewees confirmed that in general terms<br />

these topics were the ones actually open and closed for<br />

deliberation.<br />

Nonetheless, beyond defining what issues are open or closed for<br />

discussion in policy debates (i.e., beyond defining on what people<br />

deliberate over), designing rules for policy debates requires also<br />

identifying and selecting tools to aid people and institutions to<br />

share their opinions with each other (i.e.., deciding on how people<br />

deliberate). In “offline” policy forums, such as the ones regularly<br />

run by the Congress with the aid of public meetings rooms, policy<br />

makers have to decide how large meeting venues have to be, what<br />

time and date meetings will take place and how present speakers<br />

can effectively share their opinions. In policy forums held online,<br />

similar decisions need to be made, addressing other issues such<br />

as: how people will have access to the forum’s website, what<br />

coding language will the webpage be written in, how comments<br />

will be visualized online, and how people will post their opinions.<br />

3.1 Designing Rules for Technology Use<br />

Due to the pioneer nature of online projects like the MCR<br />

initiative, we notice that designing rules to decide what people can<br />

debate over is a much simpler task than deciding on how<br />

technology is used for deliberation. As interviewees argue, they<br />

made decisions on what issues to deliberate over based on several<br />

background research tools they had at hand: they identified policy<br />

topics already under discussion in other spheres of government,<br />

planned to select topics that would increase chances of receiving<br />

support inside Congress, and favored topics that were likely to<br />

increase their project’s audience. Based on such analyses (which,<br />

by the way, are very similar to those available in “offline” policy<br />

consultations), policy makers had plenty of sources of input to<br />

strategically decide on what mix of policy issues was likely to<br />

increase the overall success of the project.<br />

The same does not apply when we analyze policy makers’<br />

decisions about how technology should be used for deliberation.<br />

As interviewees repeatedly point, the MCR project was a very<br />

experimental and challenging initiative. Interviewees report none -<br />

or at the most very few - previous projects to serve as models,<br />

relying mostly on their own private experience or ad hoc<br />

inspiration. Above all, interviewees say to have mainly decided on<br />

what technology to use based on a trial-and-error basis, reason<br />

why the most important source of input information mentioned in<br />

this regard is feedback provided by users reflecting decisions they<br />

had already taken.<br />

41<br />

Interviewees say for example to have chosen to use Wordpress<br />

based on the open-source nature of this technology; moreover,<br />

they also say they took this decision based on their personal<br />

expertise in running blogs of their own, as well as based on their<br />

awareness of the initiative Culturadigital.br run by the Ministry of<br />

Culture (that was later used to host the project website). The<br />

decision to create a comment section based on a “paragraph-byparagraph”<br />

lay-out, for example, was also generally inspired on<br />

some previous knowledge they had of the “The public index”<br />

project [11], which required, nonetheless, several improvements<br />

before it met their needs. Even decisions on what technology<br />

decisions to continue or discontinue were made based on ad hoc<br />

information: the overall lay-out of the comment section for<br />

example received positive feedback, which resulted in an<br />

improved lay-out implemented for the second phase of<br />

consultation; the use of a “thumbs up/down” voting system<br />

however was removed shortly after implementation due to bad<br />

feedback received.<br />

3.2 Emerged Conceptual Framework<br />

Based on the interviews’ analyses, designing online consultation<br />

with the aid of web 2.0 is a very innovative task. However, we can<br />

find at least three common themes around the uses of Internet for<br />

policy making that have been largely documented before [7],<br />

namely: (a) the will to use of the Internet as a platform for<br />

political discourse, (b) the collective intelligence emergent from<br />

political Web use, and (c) perpetual experimentalism in the public<br />

domain. The former two themes describe quite well interviewees’<br />

expectation during the early stages of the MCR project. For<br />

example: selecting the CulturaDigital.br portal to host the<br />

project’s webpage is justified based on the will to foster new<br />

Internet forums of political debate; inviting citizens to deliberate<br />

online is justified based on the will to follow CTS’s goal of<br />

designing new collaborative ways of knowledge production.<br />

It is however the last theme (i.e., the perpetual experimentalism)<br />

that we most highlight in describing the MCR initiative. To some<br />

extent, online consultations resemble designing a complete new<br />

environment for policy making. For example: policy makers were<br />

required to understand the essence of tools such as Twitter and<br />

email and decide if they were good or not for online<br />

consultation’s use. Based on their previous experience with<br />

offline policy forums, interviewees were willing to avoid the oneto-few<br />

communication flow in favor of a many-to-many flow.<br />

Hence their decision (reached after a try-and-error period) of<br />

using Twitter (but blocking the use of email) to interact with the<br />

general public. In other words, the MCR project is clearly a case<br />

study where experimenting new forms of communications is a<br />

mandatory task that political practitioners have to deal with during<br />

theirs daily routine.<br />

After the end of their project, interviewees perceive to have left<br />

two challenges unanswered. The first refers to the bridging the<br />

online world barrier. Publicizing the MCR’s initiative beyond<br />

those who already had an interest in the topic is described as a<br />

very difficult (but still mandatory) task. Interviewees say to have<br />

attended as many offline conferences and events as possible, and<br />

to also have targeted media venues to increase their reach and<br />

visibility. Even so, considering the geographic and social<br />

characteristics of the country, the overall understanding is that the<br />

online barrier has been only merely scratched. The second<br />

challenge refers to controlling political outcomes of the

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