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Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300

Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300

Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300

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Bundle, cremated, and flexed burials of Green Creek<br />

phase association have also been excavated at the<br />

Taylor site, which is now the focus of an intensive subsurface<br />

investigation.<br />

It is our belief that maize was likely to have been<br />

introduced into the Great Lakes region during the late<br />

Middle Woodland time period as a sumptuary food<br />

resource used primarily in feasting associated with<br />

warm weather aggregations. Unfortunately, it is these<br />

very contexts that have suffered the most from lake<br />

inundation over the last century, being turned from<br />

coastal prairies to marshes (Stothers and Abel 2001).<br />

This suggests that rather than being absent from southwestern<br />

Ontario during the Gibraltar phase (Smith and<br />

Watts, this volume), maize is likely to be recovered<br />

from the sites on the sand points of Lake Erie and Lake<br />

St. Clair, and the estuaries of the St. Clair, Sydenham,<br />

and Thames River Valleys, contexts that have also suffered<br />

from lake shore erosion.<br />

The pattern of spring aggregation around the Lake<br />

Erie and Lake St. Clair rim and fall/winter dispersal to<br />

the interior remained generally consistent through the<br />

early Late Woodland time period. By ca. A.D. 750, however,<br />

the far-reaching trade and exchange networks<br />

had declined. While processualists have equated the<br />

decline of interregional trade with decreased subsistence<br />

risk, this has not been demonstrated (Hayden<br />

1992). Political economy advocates, on the other hand,<br />

have argued convincingly that the decline of interregional<br />

trade is associated with increased subsistence<br />

risk, and cultural reorientation to a subsistence-based<br />

economy (Bender 1978, 1985, 1990; Hayden 1990,<br />

1995a; Muller 1997). By A.D. 1000, the large communal<br />

estuary cemeteries were in decline, and the focus of<br />

warm weather settlement shifted to the riverine floodplains<br />

upriver from the estuaries. In the Maumee<br />

Valley, this transition is evident at the island cataracts,<br />

where fishing and farming may have been combined.<br />

Eiden phase settlements also appear to have shifted to<br />

open hamlets along the lower Sandusky and Huron<br />

River Valleys. This to us suggests the growing importance<br />

of maize production, which is evident in stable<br />

carbon isotope values of the period. Following Bender<br />

(1978), we suggest that increased food production<br />

required longer aggregation periods to fulfill the labor<br />

requirements of breaking fields, planting, tending, and<br />

harvesting, and that these long periods of aggregation<br />

placed significant stress on local subsistence production<br />

within economies dependant upon settlement<br />

mobility to dispersed resources. The acquisition of surplus<br />

commodities became more restricted as more<br />

labor was devoted to maize production, leading to a<br />

decline in long-distance exchange by A.D. 750. The<br />

exchange of items based on local resources, in addition<br />

to feasting, continued through the development of villages<br />

around A.D. 1200. The decline of exotic artifacts in<br />

graves after A.D. 750 may represent a transition to “solidarity”<br />

feasting, rather than “competitive” feasting<br />

CONCLUSIONS<br />

While we to date have no concrete evidence, we<br />

believe, based on regional data, that maize was utilized<br />

in the southwestern Lake Erie region by A.D. 400-500.<br />

It was not the immediate staple that everyone for so<br />

long assumed, but played a very minor role in what<br />

were essentially riparian-based harvesting economies<br />

until around A.D. 1200. The reasons for horticultural<br />

intensification have been in the past explained by reference<br />

to environmental degradation and demographic<br />

stress as sources of increased demand for subsistence<br />

production. On the contrary, we believe WBT and ST<br />

populations incorporated maize into their diets first as<br />

a sumptuary food item served exclusively during<br />

feasts. The feasts were one component of a complex of<br />

social renewal rituals that promoted cooperation and<br />

provided arenas to reproduce existing social hierarchies<br />

among peer polities. Nowhere is this more evident<br />

than at the several large social interaction sites<br />

associated with the Riviere au Vase and Younge phases.<br />

It appears evident that people gathered at these<br />

sites repeatedly to bury the dead and renew social<br />

relations and obligations with the exchange of gifts,<br />

competitive feasting, and probably marriage between<br />

polity groups. Conspicuous consumption was practiced<br />

in feasting and the burial of exotic items with the<br />

dead. The rituals likely took place during the spring,<br />

when dispersed groups aggregated to take part in<br />

harvests of anadromous fish.<br />

We believe the intensification of maize production<br />

was likely influenced by peer polity interactions, rather<br />

than any crisis-induced need. We suggest that to successfully<br />

compete in peer polity interactions, community<br />

groups jockeyed to secure resources, foremost<br />

among them, external alliances. External alliances<br />

ensured the steady flow of exotic resources that were<br />

used in peer polity interactions. Peer polities sought to<br />

extend their influence well beyond their own corporate<br />

bounds, to bring in commodities convertible into influence<br />

and prestige. They manipulated trading alliances<br />

to restrict access by competing polities, and through<br />

that maximized their opportunities for social reproduction.<br />

The existence of a supralocal trade network<br />

92 Stothers and Abel

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