Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300
Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300
Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300
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Bundle, cremated, and flexed burials of Green Creek<br />
phase association have also been excavated at the<br />
Taylor site, which is now the focus of an intensive subsurface<br />
investigation.<br />
It is our belief that maize was likely to have been<br />
introduced into the Great Lakes region during the late<br />
Middle Woodland time period as a sumptuary food<br />
resource used primarily in feasting associated with<br />
warm weather aggregations. Unfortunately, it is these<br />
very contexts that have suffered the most from lake<br />
inundation over the last century, being turned from<br />
coastal prairies to marshes (Stothers and Abel 2001).<br />
This suggests that rather than being absent from southwestern<br />
Ontario during the Gibraltar phase (Smith and<br />
Watts, this volume), maize is likely to be recovered<br />
from the sites on the sand points of Lake Erie and Lake<br />
St. Clair, and the estuaries of the St. Clair, Sydenham,<br />
and Thames River Valleys, contexts that have also suffered<br />
from lake shore erosion.<br />
The pattern of spring aggregation around the Lake<br />
Erie and Lake St. Clair rim and fall/winter dispersal to<br />
the interior remained generally consistent through the<br />
early Late Woodland time period. By ca. A.D. 750, however,<br />
the far-reaching trade and exchange networks<br />
had declined. While processualists have equated the<br />
decline of interregional trade with decreased subsistence<br />
risk, this has not been demonstrated (Hayden<br />
1992). Political economy advocates, on the other hand,<br />
have argued convincingly that the decline of interregional<br />
trade is associated with increased subsistence<br />
risk, and cultural reorientation to a subsistence-based<br />
economy (Bender 1978, 1985, 1990; Hayden 1990,<br />
1995a; Muller 1997). By A.D. 1000, the large communal<br />
estuary cemeteries were in decline, and the focus of<br />
warm weather settlement shifted to the riverine floodplains<br />
upriver from the estuaries. In the Maumee<br />
Valley, this transition is evident at the island cataracts,<br />
where fishing and farming may have been combined.<br />
Eiden phase settlements also appear to have shifted to<br />
open hamlets along the lower Sandusky and Huron<br />
River Valleys. This to us suggests the growing importance<br />
of maize production, which is evident in stable<br />
carbon isotope values of the period. Following Bender<br />
(1978), we suggest that increased food production<br />
required longer aggregation periods to fulfill the labor<br />
requirements of breaking fields, planting, tending, and<br />
harvesting, and that these long periods of aggregation<br />
placed significant stress on local subsistence production<br />
within economies dependant upon settlement<br />
mobility to dispersed resources. The acquisition of surplus<br />
commodities became more restricted as more<br />
labor was devoted to maize production, leading to a<br />
decline in long-distance exchange by A.D. 750. The<br />
exchange of items based on local resources, in addition<br />
to feasting, continued through the development of villages<br />
around A.D. 1200. The decline of exotic artifacts in<br />
graves after A.D. 750 may represent a transition to “solidarity”<br />
feasting, rather than “competitive” feasting<br />
CONCLUSIONS<br />
While we to date have no concrete evidence, we<br />
believe, based on regional data, that maize was utilized<br />
in the southwestern Lake Erie region by A.D. 400-500.<br />
It was not the immediate staple that everyone for so<br />
long assumed, but played a very minor role in what<br />
were essentially riparian-based harvesting economies<br />
until around A.D. 1200. The reasons for horticultural<br />
intensification have been in the past explained by reference<br />
to environmental degradation and demographic<br />
stress as sources of increased demand for subsistence<br />
production. On the contrary, we believe WBT and ST<br />
populations incorporated maize into their diets first as<br />
a sumptuary food item served exclusively during<br />
feasts. The feasts were one component of a complex of<br />
social renewal rituals that promoted cooperation and<br />
provided arenas to reproduce existing social hierarchies<br />
among peer polities. Nowhere is this more evident<br />
than at the several large social interaction sites<br />
associated with the Riviere au Vase and Younge phases.<br />
It appears evident that people gathered at these<br />
sites repeatedly to bury the dead and renew social<br />
relations and obligations with the exchange of gifts,<br />
competitive feasting, and probably marriage between<br />
polity groups. Conspicuous consumption was practiced<br />
in feasting and the burial of exotic items with the<br />
dead. The rituals likely took place during the spring,<br />
when dispersed groups aggregated to take part in<br />
harvests of anadromous fish.<br />
We believe the intensification of maize production<br />
was likely influenced by peer polity interactions, rather<br />
than any crisis-induced need. We suggest that to successfully<br />
compete in peer polity interactions, community<br />
groups jockeyed to secure resources, foremost<br />
among them, external alliances. External alliances<br />
ensured the steady flow of exotic resources that were<br />
used in peer polity interactions. Peer polities sought to<br />
extend their influence well beyond their own corporate<br />
bounds, to bring in commodities convertible into influence<br />
and prestige. They manipulated trading alliances<br />
to restrict access by competing polities, and through<br />
that maximized their opportunities for social reproduction.<br />
The existence of a supralocal trade network<br />
92 Stothers and Abel