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Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300

Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300

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tury (A3 horizon) deserves further investigation and<br />

may be related to gender-specific work groups<br />

(Claassen 2001).<br />

While it is known that village/hamlet inhabitants<br />

periodically left the settlement to hunt for and/or<br />

gather resources located at some distance from the<br />

sedentary site, nonsedentary location inhabitants are<br />

given little attention. The village/hamlet has been the<br />

central focus of early Late Prehistoric studies, for it is<br />

at village sites that the whole range of activities associated<br />

with settled life, such as resource processing<br />

and craft production, is expected. Associated with<br />

these sedentary locations are substantial structures,<br />

definite areas of refuse disposal, and long-term storage.<br />

Nonsedentary, upland sites were an integral part<br />

of village/hamlet inhabitants’ seasonal activities.<br />

These sites may have been occupied by task groups of<br />

one or more households associated with a village or<br />

hamlet. While many types of campsites presumably<br />

existed during the early Late Prehistoric, the Park<br />

Creek II site served as a specific example for this<br />

model. The two occupations at Park Creek II suggested<br />

that the site was reoccupied during the early Late<br />

Prehistoric, possibly by the same lineage over generations.<br />

While at the camp, the inhabitants sharpened<br />

bifacial tools and produced flakes for expedient use.<br />

The evidence showed that they also hunted and collected<br />

wild foods, such as berries and nuts, and may<br />

have tended remote horticultural fields. Microwear<br />

analysis provided additional evidence that site inhabitants<br />

collected and processed plants and small animals.<br />

Spatial analysis revealed that site activities were<br />

patterned, focusing on the hearths. Although several<br />

possibilities exist for the composition of the Park<br />

Creek II inhabitants, artifact and floral data, combined<br />

with the ethnohistoric record, may suggest that<br />

the site was inhabited by groups organized and composed<br />

of women (Claassen 1997).<br />

SUMMARY<br />

In this chapter I have noted that a local level of<br />

analysis can aid our understanding of the various<br />

roles played by the household and community.<br />

Understanding the variability within and between<br />

these social units will not only address this scale of<br />

analysis, but can also broaden our understanding of<br />

cultural change at the regional and inter-regional<br />

scales. Data pertaining to the early Late Prehistoric<br />

are limited in both quantity and quality and research<br />

concerns are rarely focused at the local level of analysis<br />

or consider social relations. Not all individuals<br />

who comprised households were present in the village<br />

or hamlet at all times. Individuals left for<br />

resource procurement, trade, and alliance building.<br />

Thus, village/hamlet sites cannot be understood in<br />

isolation. Data obtained from sedentary settlements<br />

must be combined with that obtained from nonsedentary<br />

sites to understand settlement and subsistence<br />

during this period.<br />

In the past, temporary upland sites were believed<br />

to contain limited data for creating and refining settlement/subsistence<br />

models. Analysis of the Park<br />

Creek II site has proven the opposite. Park Creek II<br />

provided valuable data that, when combined with<br />

similar studies in the future and compared to data<br />

obtained from village/hamlet sites, will enhance our<br />

picture of early Late Prehistoric settlement and subsistence.<br />

The wealth of information that can be<br />

obtained from previously neglected upland camps<br />

has been demonstrated. Nonresidential sites should<br />

not be studied as being separate from the village or<br />

hamlet, but as extensions of the social relations that<br />

define early Late Prehistoric organization. To truly<br />

understand social relations at the household level, we<br />

need to look beyond the village limits.<br />

Acknowledgments<br />

Much of the data presented in this chapter was<br />

derived from Cultural Resource projects funded by<br />

the New York State Museum, State Education<br />

Department, as part of the statewide New York<br />

Department of Transportation contract. I would like<br />

to thank Dr. Nina M. Versaggi for the opportunity to<br />

excavate and analyze the Park Creek II site and for<br />

reading drafts of this paper. I would also like to thank<br />

Dr. Charles R. Cobb and Tim D. Knapp for reading<br />

early drafts. John McGregor supervised field work at<br />

the site in the fall of 1998. I thank him for sharing his<br />

knowledge of the site. I thank John Hart and Christina<br />

Rieth for the opportunity to present this research at<br />

the New York State Museum’s New York Natural<br />

History Conference symposium Early Late Prehistoric<br />

(A.D. <strong>700</strong>-1300) <strong>Subsistence</strong> and <strong>Settlement</strong> <strong>Change</strong> in the<br />

<strong>Northeast</strong>, and for their helpful comments on the draft.<br />

I also thank the two anonymous reviewers for their<br />

suggestions.<br />

204 Miroff

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