Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300
Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300
Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300
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tury (A3 horizon) deserves further investigation and<br />
may be related to gender-specific work groups<br />
(Claassen 2001).<br />
While it is known that village/hamlet inhabitants<br />
periodically left the settlement to hunt for and/or<br />
gather resources located at some distance from the<br />
sedentary site, nonsedentary location inhabitants are<br />
given little attention. The village/hamlet has been the<br />
central focus of early Late Prehistoric studies, for it is<br />
at village sites that the whole range of activities associated<br />
with settled life, such as resource processing<br />
and craft production, is expected. Associated with<br />
these sedentary locations are substantial structures,<br />
definite areas of refuse disposal, and long-term storage.<br />
Nonsedentary, upland sites were an integral part<br />
of village/hamlet inhabitants’ seasonal activities.<br />
These sites may have been occupied by task groups of<br />
one or more households associated with a village or<br />
hamlet. While many types of campsites presumably<br />
existed during the early Late Prehistoric, the Park<br />
Creek II site served as a specific example for this<br />
model. The two occupations at Park Creek II suggested<br />
that the site was reoccupied during the early Late<br />
Prehistoric, possibly by the same lineage over generations.<br />
While at the camp, the inhabitants sharpened<br />
bifacial tools and produced flakes for expedient use.<br />
The evidence showed that they also hunted and collected<br />
wild foods, such as berries and nuts, and may<br />
have tended remote horticultural fields. Microwear<br />
analysis provided additional evidence that site inhabitants<br />
collected and processed plants and small animals.<br />
Spatial analysis revealed that site activities were<br />
patterned, focusing on the hearths. Although several<br />
possibilities exist for the composition of the Park<br />
Creek II inhabitants, artifact and floral data, combined<br />
with the ethnohistoric record, may suggest that<br />
the site was inhabited by groups organized and composed<br />
of women (Claassen 1997).<br />
SUMMARY<br />
In this chapter I have noted that a local level of<br />
analysis can aid our understanding of the various<br />
roles played by the household and community.<br />
Understanding the variability within and between<br />
these social units will not only address this scale of<br />
analysis, but can also broaden our understanding of<br />
cultural change at the regional and inter-regional<br />
scales. Data pertaining to the early Late Prehistoric<br />
are limited in both quantity and quality and research<br />
concerns are rarely focused at the local level of analysis<br />
or consider social relations. Not all individuals<br />
who comprised households were present in the village<br />
or hamlet at all times. Individuals left for<br />
resource procurement, trade, and alliance building.<br />
Thus, village/hamlet sites cannot be understood in<br />
isolation. Data obtained from sedentary settlements<br />
must be combined with that obtained from nonsedentary<br />
sites to understand settlement and subsistence<br />
during this period.<br />
In the past, temporary upland sites were believed<br />
to contain limited data for creating and refining settlement/subsistence<br />
models. Analysis of the Park<br />
Creek II site has proven the opposite. Park Creek II<br />
provided valuable data that, when combined with<br />
similar studies in the future and compared to data<br />
obtained from village/hamlet sites, will enhance our<br />
picture of early Late Prehistoric settlement and subsistence.<br />
The wealth of information that can be<br />
obtained from previously neglected upland camps<br />
has been demonstrated. Nonresidential sites should<br />
not be studied as being separate from the village or<br />
hamlet, but as extensions of the social relations that<br />
define early Late Prehistoric organization. To truly<br />
understand social relations at the household level, we<br />
need to look beyond the village limits.<br />
Acknowledgments<br />
Much of the data presented in this chapter was<br />
derived from Cultural Resource projects funded by<br />
the New York State Museum, State Education<br />
Department, as part of the statewide New York<br />
Department of Transportation contract. I would like<br />
to thank Dr. Nina M. Versaggi for the opportunity to<br />
excavate and analyze the Park Creek II site and for<br />
reading drafts of this paper. I would also like to thank<br />
Dr. Charles R. Cobb and Tim D. Knapp for reading<br />
early drafts. John McGregor supervised field work at<br />
the site in the fall of 1998. I thank him for sharing his<br />
knowledge of the site. I thank John Hart and Christina<br />
Rieth for the opportunity to present this research at<br />
the New York State Museum’s New York Natural<br />
History Conference symposium Early Late Prehistoric<br />
(A.D. <strong>700</strong>-1300) <strong>Subsistence</strong> and <strong>Settlement</strong> <strong>Change</strong> in the<br />
<strong>Northeast</strong>, and for their helpful comments on the draft.<br />
I also thank the two anonymous reviewers for their<br />
suggestions.<br />
204 Miroff