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Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300

Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300

Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300

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Under a population metaphysic, the discontinuities<br />

between culture-historic types and composition can be<br />

viewed with less skepticism given the absence of stringent<br />

boundaries between taxa allowing for the coexistence<br />

of several different local populations within a<br />

limited geographic area. In northcentral Pennsylvania,<br />

evidence of the coexistence of different populations can<br />

be seen in the recovery of locally produced Owasco<br />

sherds from the same features as Clemson Island<br />

sherds. Under a population metaphysic, the work of<br />

Graybill (1989) has some utility in explaining the discontinuity<br />

between culture-historic types and ceramic<br />

composition. In his analysis of the later Shenks Ferry<br />

tradition, Graybill (1989) points out that the early Late<br />

Prehistoric occupants of Pennsylvania were culturally<br />

similar (and produced artifacts similar) to those of others<br />

in the adjacent Appalachian Highland zones. More<br />

specifically, Graybill (1989) argues that the early Late<br />

Prehistoric occupants of northcentral Pennsylvania<br />

and New York, as well as the Lower Susquehanna and<br />

Potomac drainage, probably derived from a rather<br />

“uniform Middle/Late Woodland base” along the eastern<br />

and northern fringes of the Alleghany Plateau<br />

between A.D. 850 and 1250. Under this scheme,<br />

Graybill (1989) emphasizes the importance of the<br />

“Middle/Late Woodland base” (or population) as the<br />

important unit of analysis, suggesting that variation<br />

between groups in southern Pennsylvania, along the<br />

West Branch of the Susquehanna, and in northcentral<br />

Pennsylvania exists and may represent an attempt by<br />

these local populations to adapt to the surrounding<br />

ecological niche.<br />

When viewed as a single “population” and not as<br />

smaller culture groups, the results of this project make<br />

sense, eliminating the need to justify temporal and spatial<br />

concerns as to why the Clemson Island and<br />

Owasco groups came to occupy the same ecological<br />

niche. When treated as part of a population, the potters<br />

of northcentral Pennsylvania might expect to have<br />

made choices as to how to design and decorate pots.<br />

While some of these choices(e.g., cordmarking, oblique<br />

motifs, etc.), may represent characteristics associated<br />

with the larger population, other choices (e.g., punctates)<br />

may reflect the local population’s interest in distinguishing<br />

itself from its neighbors (Pretola 2000). As<br />

Pretola (2000:30-31) points out, it is these individual<br />

choices and their variation between local groups that<br />

make it difficult to use the same culture-historic types<br />

to compare groups residing in different parts of the<br />

same region.<br />

CONCLUSION<br />

<strong>Change</strong>s in ceramic typology are often used to document<br />

spatial and temporal changes in early Late<br />

Prehistoric settlement patterns. In northcentral<br />

Pennsylvania, these changes center around two ceramic<br />

traditions: Clemson Island and Owasco. Despite<br />

efforts to do so, the high degree of stylistic similarity<br />

between these traditions makes it difficult to distinguish<br />

between types, thus limiting their usefulness in<br />

prehistoric settlement studies.<br />

In this study, trace element analysis was employed<br />

to determine if compositional profiles of four ceramic<br />

assemblages correspond with identified stylistic types.<br />

The results of this study suggest that there does not<br />

appear to be a clear distinction between ceramic types<br />

and the clay deposits exploited by the early Late<br />

Prehistoric occupants of central Pennsylvania. Most of<br />

the Clemson Island and Owasco ceramics were manufactured<br />

from similar local clay deposits. Four sherds<br />

grouped in the Otsego group and probably represent<br />

nonlocally manufactured containers.<br />

When viewed under a population metaphysic, differences<br />

in ceramic paste and the selection of one<br />

resource over another probably reflect the range of<br />

materials that were available within a particular<br />

resource collection zone around the village or camp. In<br />

the future, additional studies are needed to determine<br />

the diverse array of materials used in the construction<br />

of these pots and how the choices made by these potters<br />

reflect the settlement characteristics of these local<br />

communities.<br />

Acknowledgments<br />

The ceramic sherds used in this study are curated at the<br />

Pennsylvania State Museum and Historical<br />

Commission in Harrisburg. Conversations with<br />

Juliann Van Nest helped to clarify my thinking about<br />

the formation and distribution of clays in the Eastern<br />

Woodlands. William Lanford provided access to the x-<br />

ray fluorescence apparatus at the University at Albany,<br />

SUNY, Accelerator Laboratory. The ceramic drawings<br />

were completed by Anne Chojacki. I am grateful to C.<br />

J. Smith, Ellen Cesarski, John Hart, and two anonymous<br />

reviewers who provided comments on an earlier<br />

version of this paper. All errors are the responsibility of<br />

the author.<br />

Chapter 7 Early Late Prehistoric <strong>Settlement</strong>: A View from Northcentral Pennsylvania 149

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