Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300
Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300
Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300
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Under a population metaphysic, the discontinuities<br />
between culture-historic types and composition can be<br />
viewed with less skepticism given the absence of stringent<br />
boundaries between taxa allowing for the coexistence<br />
of several different local populations within a<br />
limited geographic area. In northcentral Pennsylvania,<br />
evidence of the coexistence of different populations can<br />
be seen in the recovery of locally produced Owasco<br />
sherds from the same features as Clemson Island<br />
sherds. Under a population metaphysic, the work of<br />
Graybill (1989) has some utility in explaining the discontinuity<br />
between culture-historic types and ceramic<br />
composition. In his analysis of the later Shenks Ferry<br />
tradition, Graybill (1989) points out that the early Late<br />
Prehistoric occupants of Pennsylvania were culturally<br />
similar (and produced artifacts similar) to those of others<br />
in the adjacent Appalachian Highland zones. More<br />
specifically, Graybill (1989) argues that the early Late<br />
Prehistoric occupants of northcentral Pennsylvania<br />
and New York, as well as the Lower Susquehanna and<br />
Potomac drainage, probably derived from a rather<br />
“uniform Middle/Late Woodland base” along the eastern<br />
and northern fringes of the Alleghany Plateau<br />
between A.D. 850 and 1250. Under this scheme,<br />
Graybill (1989) emphasizes the importance of the<br />
“Middle/Late Woodland base” (or population) as the<br />
important unit of analysis, suggesting that variation<br />
between groups in southern Pennsylvania, along the<br />
West Branch of the Susquehanna, and in northcentral<br />
Pennsylvania exists and may represent an attempt by<br />
these local populations to adapt to the surrounding<br />
ecological niche.<br />
When viewed as a single “population” and not as<br />
smaller culture groups, the results of this project make<br />
sense, eliminating the need to justify temporal and spatial<br />
concerns as to why the Clemson Island and<br />
Owasco groups came to occupy the same ecological<br />
niche. When treated as part of a population, the potters<br />
of northcentral Pennsylvania might expect to have<br />
made choices as to how to design and decorate pots.<br />
While some of these choices(e.g., cordmarking, oblique<br />
motifs, etc.), may represent characteristics associated<br />
with the larger population, other choices (e.g., punctates)<br />
may reflect the local population’s interest in distinguishing<br />
itself from its neighbors (Pretola 2000). As<br />
Pretola (2000:30-31) points out, it is these individual<br />
choices and their variation between local groups that<br />
make it difficult to use the same culture-historic types<br />
to compare groups residing in different parts of the<br />
same region.<br />
CONCLUSION<br />
<strong>Change</strong>s in ceramic typology are often used to document<br />
spatial and temporal changes in early Late<br />
Prehistoric settlement patterns. In northcentral<br />
Pennsylvania, these changes center around two ceramic<br />
traditions: Clemson Island and Owasco. Despite<br />
efforts to do so, the high degree of stylistic similarity<br />
between these traditions makes it difficult to distinguish<br />
between types, thus limiting their usefulness in<br />
prehistoric settlement studies.<br />
In this study, trace element analysis was employed<br />
to determine if compositional profiles of four ceramic<br />
assemblages correspond with identified stylistic types.<br />
The results of this study suggest that there does not<br />
appear to be a clear distinction between ceramic types<br />
and the clay deposits exploited by the early Late<br />
Prehistoric occupants of central Pennsylvania. Most of<br />
the Clemson Island and Owasco ceramics were manufactured<br />
from similar local clay deposits. Four sherds<br />
grouped in the Otsego group and probably represent<br />
nonlocally manufactured containers.<br />
When viewed under a population metaphysic, differences<br />
in ceramic paste and the selection of one<br />
resource over another probably reflect the range of<br />
materials that were available within a particular<br />
resource collection zone around the village or camp. In<br />
the future, additional studies are needed to determine<br />
the diverse array of materials used in the construction<br />
of these pots and how the choices made by these potters<br />
reflect the settlement characteristics of these local<br />
communities.<br />
Acknowledgments<br />
The ceramic sherds used in this study are curated at the<br />
Pennsylvania State Museum and Historical<br />
Commission in Harrisburg. Conversations with<br />
Juliann Van Nest helped to clarify my thinking about<br />
the formation and distribution of clays in the Eastern<br />
Woodlands. William Lanford provided access to the x-<br />
ray fluorescence apparatus at the University at Albany,<br />
SUNY, Accelerator Laboratory. The ceramic drawings<br />
were completed by Anne Chojacki. I am grateful to C.<br />
J. Smith, Ellen Cesarski, John Hart, and two anonymous<br />
reviewers who provided comments on an earlier<br />
version of this paper. All errors are the responsibility of<br />
the author.<br />
Chapter 7 Early Late Prehistoric <strong>Settlement</strong>: A View from Northcentral Pennsylvania 149