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Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300

Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300

Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300

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Table 11.7. Summary of Ceramic Attributes from Late Middle Woodland and Early Late Woodland Vessels.<br />

Site Occupation Wall Thickness Wall Thickness Standard Primary Average<br />

(Mean) (Range) Deviation Temper Temper Size<br />

Fortin II Late Middle Woodland 11.04 mm 8.31-14 mm 1.83 Grit 0-1 mm<br />

Street Late Middle Woodland 11.75 mm 10-13 mm 1.17 Grit 0-1 mm<br />

Ouleout Site 1 Early Late Woodland 7.5 mm 6.2-8.5 mm 1.14 Grit 1-2 mm<br />

Street Early Late Woodland 8.98 mm 6.19-11 mm 1.42 Grit 1-3 mm<br />

Fortin II Early Late Woodland 9 mm 8-14 mm 2.11 Grit 1-3 mm<br />

Hilltop Early Late Woodland 8.66 mm 6-10 mm 1.17 Grit 1-2 mm<br />

1 Low vessel wall thickness probably related to small sample size.<br />

ness, an increase the temper size and density, as well<br />

as a gradual shift toward materials with a low thermal<br />

expansion.<br />

An analysis of the late Middle and early Late<br />

Woodland ceramics from the Street, Fortin II, Hilltop,<br />

and Ouleout sites shows a decrease in the vessel wall<br />

thickness of these containers, from 11.75 mm to 7.5<br />

mm during the late Middle and early Late Woodland<br />

Periods (Table 11.7). The reduction in vessel wall<br />

thickness directly affects thermal shock, since vessels<br />

with thinner walls are less likely to crack when subjected<br />

to longer cooking times (Braun 1983). <strong>Change</strong>s<br />

in temper size and density were also noted and further<br />

support the idea that Late Woodland populations<br />

were producing containers that withstood the long<br />

cooking time needed to transform maize from an<br />

inedible to an edible food item.<br />

DISCUSSION<br />

The results of this study suggest that the late<br />

Middle and early Late Woodland inhabitants of the<br />

Oneonta-Worchester area occupied many small<br />

camps, large camps, and industrial sites. The large<br />

number of small camps suggests that the region probably<br />

functioned as an important resource procurement<br />

area. According to Knoerl (1978:114), the diverse<br />

microenvironment that surrounded the Oneonta-<br />

Worchester area (e.g., shoreline, swamp, bog, floodplain,<br />

dry knoll) would have provided the prehistoric<br />

occupants opportunities to exploit a vast array of<br />

plant and animal species.<br />

Although the sites in this study do not contain the<br />

impressive features that are found on larger sites<br />

downstream, they (and the activities that occurred on<br />

them) were equally important to the overall settlement<br />

and subsistence system. During this time, maize<br />

probably represented a small part of the prehistoric<br />

diet and was probably grown in small garden plots<br />

(Dincauze 1990:30, as cited in Chilton 1999; Prezzano<br />

1996). Consequently, food items collected during seasonal<br />

foraging and hunting expeditions were needed<br />

to satisfy the dietary needs of the group. Although<br />

Funk and Rippeteau (1977:39) argue that early Late<br />

Woodland groups probably completed foraging and<br />

hunting activities during the spring and summer<br />

months, the floral assemblages from these sites indicate<br />

that the region’s resources were exploited yearround.<br />

There is some evidence to suggest that more extensive<br />

occupations, such as those identified at the Otego<br />

Yard site (as well as the Otsdawa site [Funk 1993]),<br />

were also present in the region during the early Late<br />

Prehistoric period. From the limited excavations at<br />

the Otego Yard site, this site probably did not possess<br />

many of the typical characteristics (Ritchie 1994) that<br />

we normally equate with early Late Woodland sites<br />

dating to the eleventh century. Rather, the site probably<br />

resembled smaller settlements, such as White<br />

(Ritchie 1994) and Port Dickenson (Beauregard 1986;<br />

Beauregard et al. 1993), which were occupied by small<br />

kin-related groups whose primary economic pursuits<br />

were based on hunting and gathering and not maize<br />

horticulture.<br />

Although Chilton (1999) cautions us that the quantity<br />

of maize at a site cannot be interpreted as a direct<br />

reflection of the importance of this particular plant in<br />

a community, we are still left with the puzzling question<br />

of why maize repeatedly appears in larger camp<br />

and village sites downstream but rarely occurs on<br />

sites in the Oneonta-Worchester area. I propose that<br />

this question may be explained by one of two competing<br />

hypotheses. First, it seems possible that in this<br />

222 Rieth

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