Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300

local deposits. Alternately, Stimmell et al. (1991:47-51)
argue that not all ceramic pots were locally manufactured.
In their analysis of Blackduck, Selkirk, and
Laurel wares from Northern Ontario and Manitoba,
the authors have shown that many of the pots from the
Fort Nieu Savanne and Ouissinaougouk sites were not
locally manufactured, but were probably traded into
the region through interaction with groups living to the
south and west of Hudson’s Bay.
Kuhn (1985, 1986:9-21, 1987:305-315) used x-ray fluorescence
analysis to address questions related to the
trade and exchange of Mohawk pipes throughout New
York and southern Ontario. The results of this study
indicate that clay pipes were popular trade items,
which served to reinforce social and political ties
between geographically distinct communities.
Although pipes were extensively traded between communities
within Iroquoia, clay pipes were not traded
with non-Iroquoian groups residing in the Hudson
Valley, suggesting that linguistic and political divisions
documented at the time of European contact may have
been of prehistoric origin.
In southern New England, Lizee et al. (1995:515-530)
used neutron activation analysis to confirm typological
distinctions between Late Woodland (A.D. 1450-1600)
and Contact period (post-A.D. 1600) Niantic, Hackney
Pond, and Shantock ceramics. The results of their study
indicate that multiple deposits were utilized by the
Late Woodland and Contact period occupants of
southern New England. Correlation of compositional
profiles, ceramic types, and the spatial distribution of
group members suggests that changes in settlement
and maintenance of boundaries between later Contact
period Mohegan and Pequot tribes may have had their
inception during the Late Woodland period.
METHODOLOGY
Research Questions
This project addresses three questions relating to the
relationship between culture-historic types and clay
composition. First, this project addresses the question
of whether the sherds recovered from these four sites
were manufactured from local or nonlocal clays.
Comparisons between the compositional profiles of
these sherds and known clay deposits provide a basis
for determining where these vessels were manufactured.
This project also tested the hypothesis that there
is a correlation between culture-historic types and the
clays that were used in the production of these containers.
Although many archaeologists have argued
that Clemson Island and Owasco ceramics were manufactured
in different geographic areas, this hypothesis
has not been previously tested, and could provide
important information about the utility of ceramic
types in archaeology. Finally, this chapter discusses the
implications of this research for understanding the settlement
patterns of these early Late Prehistoric populations.
Examination of the clays used by these groups
not only provides information about the spatial
arrangement of groups across the landscape, but also
provides information about exploited resources.
Sample Description
The ceramic assemblages from four early Late
Prehistoric sites were studied (Table 7.1, Figure 7.3) and
include Tioga Point Farm (Lucy 1991; Lucy and
Vanderpoel 1979:1-2), Wells (Lucy and McCann 1983),
St. Anthony’s (Stewart 1990, 1994), and Fisher Farm
(Hatch 1980). Tioga Point Farm and Wells are located in
northcentral Pennsylvania near the border between
New York and Pennsylvania. St. Anthony’s and Fisher
Farm are located in central Pennsylvania south of the
West Branch of the Susquehanna River.
Tioga Point Farm and Wells are probably small
camps, while St. Anthony’s and Fisher Farm sites are
more extensive hamlets. Tioga Point Farm and Wells
are located in an area occupied by the Clemson Island
and Owasco traditions, while the St. Anthony’s and
Fisher Farm sites are located in an area that was primarily
occupied by Clemson Island groups. Tioga
Point Farm site is classified as an Owasco site (Lucy
1991; Lucy and Vanderpoel 1979), while the Wells, St.
Anthony’s, and Fisher Farm are Clemson Island sites
(Hatch 1980; Lucy and McCann 1983; Stewart 1994)
(Table 7.1).
Forty-six sherds were analyzed from these four sites
(Table 7.2). Fourteen (30.4 percent) from Tioga Point
Farm, nine (19.6 percent) from Wells, nine (19.6 percent)
from St. Anthony’s, and fourteen (30.4 percent)
from Fisher Farm. Each sherd was determined to have
originated from a distinct vessel lot based on technological
(temper size and type, color, manufacturing
technique, etc.) and decorative attributes (surface decoration,
rim and lip shape, etc.) (Rieth 1997:116-117).
These sherds derived from containers associated with
both the Clemson Island and Owasco traditions (Table
7.2). To ensure against mixing of sherds from different
occupations and components, the Owasco and
Clemson Island sherds were selected from features
whose contents were radiocarbon-dated to the early
Late Prehistoric period. In each of these features,
Chapter 7 Early Late Prehistoric Settlement: A View from Northcentral Pennsylvania 141