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Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300

Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300

Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300

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N<br />

Grand<br />

0 20 km<br />

O N T A R I O<br />

Porteous<br />

River<br />

Credit<br />

Princess<br />

Point<br />

River<br />

Arboretum<br />

Bull's Point<br />

Hickory Island<br />

Rat Island<br />

Old Lilac Garden<br />

Sassafras Point<br />

Lake Ontario<br />

NEW YORK<br />

Lone Pine Young 1<br />

Grand Banks<br />

Cayuga Bridge<br />

Surma<br />

Long Point<br />

Lake Erie<br />

Princess Point Sites<br />

Princess Point Cootes Paradise Sites<br />

Princess Point Cayuga Cluster Sites<br />

J. Skiba<br />

Figure 5.1. Southern Ontario and the Princess Point region.<br />

and presents a revised overview of Princess Point and<br />

its implications for our understanding of the origins<br />

and development of food production in the <strong>Northeast</strong><br />

Woodlands.<br />

SECONDARY AGRICULTURAL ORIGINS<br />

In northern Europe and northern Japan, as well as<br />

the U.S. Southwest, data have enlightened us on<br />

processes of secondary agricultural origins. Historical<br />

trajectories must be detailed for the areas in question<br />

(Gebauer and Price 1992). In Japan, one of us<br />

(Crawford) has been examining the period from about<br />

2000 B.P. to 800 B.P. There, the transition to agriculture<br />

occurred through diffusion, assimilation and migration<br />

(Crawford 1992b, 1992c; Crawford and Takamiya 1990;<br />

Crawford and Yoshizaki 1987; D’Andrea 1992). Local<br />

populations were eventually overrun by people with<br />

agriculture. Overall, colonization, though, is the exception<br />

in secondary origins (Gebauer and Price 1992:8).<br />

The move to agriculture in western Europe seems<br />

to involve a different process than it did in central<br />

Europe. In the former, local hunter-gatherers appear<br />

to have adopted agriculture, while in central Europe,<br />

there was a migratory intrusion (Dennel 1992; Keeley<br />

1992; Price and Gebauer 1995). In northern Europe<br />

particularly, one view holds that hunting and gathering<br />

Mesolithic peoples engaged in a cooperative relationship<br />

with Neolithic newcomers (Gregg 1988). This<br />

model relies on ethnographic analogy and many<br />

untested assumptions (Crawford 1992a). Gregg<br />

(1988:7, 233) also has a lack of confidence in the<br />

archaeological record. (According to Gregg, charred<br />

cereal remains are not recoverable from Mesolithic<br />

sites, and radiocarbon dates are unreliable). Another<br />

view rules out cooperation in view of an archaeological<br />

record that, in fact, documents conflict and little<br />

98 Smith and Crawford

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