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Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300

Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300

Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300

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to Loring’s (1988) regional exchange hypothesis for<br />

the Late Prehistoric period.<br />

Archaeological evidence for the sixteenth century<br />

indicates that traditional summer fishing villages<br />

were abandoned after European contact, and that<br />

people began to move to the coast to trade (Allen<br />

1991:37). The faunal information from archaeological<br />

sites indicates more variety in site seasonality on the<br />

east coast compared to the Fundy coast (Stewart<br />

1989:56). Stewart (1989:74) indicates that the discrepancy<br />

between the faunal evidence from the Fundy<br />

and northeastern coast sites may be indicative of an<br />

ethnic split, with the ancestral Mi’kmaq using coastal<br />

sources mostly in the summer and the ancestral<br />

Maliseet-Passamaquoddy using coastal resources<br />

mostly in the winter.<br />

SUMMARY AND DISCUSSION<br />

Although the archaeological evidence is far from<br />

complete, it is obvious that the Late Prehistoric and<br />

Protohistoric populations of New Brunswick exploited<br />

a broad and diverse range of natural resources.<br />

Faunal resources recovered from archaeological sites<br />

represent a wide range of the available modern<br />

species, as well as extinct sea mink and great auk. Furbearing<br />

mammals were widely distributed throughout<br />

the province. Anadromous and catadromous fish<br />

species were a particularly valuable riverine resource,<br />

especially Atlantic salmon. Shellfish were important<br />

in certain areas, especially during the Middle and<br />

early Late Woodland period in Passamaquoddy Bay.<br />

Archaeological evidence of plant use is beginning<br />

to accumulate, but at a slow pace due to considerable<br />

preservation problems. The present archaeological<br />

evidence is obviously only a small fraction of the<br />

species once collected in prehistoric times. Nutshells<br />

and seeds from various wild fruits are represented in<br />

charred form, but the green parts of plants and flowers<br />

used for herbal medicines and beverages do not<br />

survive in the acidic soils of the province. Wood, bark,<br />

and plant fibers have survived only under exceptional<br />

preservation conditions. Local variability in foodstuffs<br />

may have been important to social and economic<br />

interactions within the region. The exchange of<br />

botanical products is well documented for western<br />

Canada, including seaweeds, berries, roots, bulbs,<br />

nuts, woods, baskets, mats, twines, and fibers (Turner<br />

and Loewen 1998). While documentation is inadequate<br />

for the east coast, a similar range of products<br />

was available for exchange. Leonard’s incipient horticulture<br />

model for portions of the province also<br />

deserves further consideration, but at present it<br />

should be considered speculative.<br />

Certain rock and mineral resources were also<br />

important to aboriginal populations in New<br />

Brunswick. In the Late Prehistoric period, knappable<br />

lithics were the raw materials for hunting and processing<br />

tools. Native populations in the <strong>Northeast</strong><br />

sought out the best quality lithic materials in each<br />

region, and certain higher quality lithics were distributed<br />

over long distances. Cherts from coastal<br />

Labrador and the Quebec interior made their way to<br />

the Maritimes and Maine, and especially toward the<br />

end of the Prehistoric period. Cherts, chalcedonies,<br />

and rhyolites from certain Nova Scotian quarries were<br />

also prized. Ground stone raw materials and clay for<br />

pottery making were widely available within the<br />

province. Copper was an important material for making<br />

both ritual and domestic items throughout the<br />

Woodland period. Only small amounts of local copper<br />

were available, so raw copper was most likely<br />

acquired through trade, at first from long-distance<br />

Native sources, then regional Native sources, and<br />

finally through European trade during the<br />

Protohistoric period.<br />

As archaeological evidence accumulates for the<br />

Late Prehistoric/Protohistoric period, more finegrained<br />

studies of settlement form and mobility<br />

patterns in different parts of the province may be possible,<br />

like Black’s (1992) study of the Bliss Islands. For<br />

most of the region we are forced to look at large-scale<br />

similarities and differences in landscape and resource<br />

availability. Some of the major characteristics of the<br />

archaeological areas are listed in Table 17.2. There is a<br />

possibility that the Chiputneticook-St. Croix drainage<br />

and Passamaquoddy Bay area had two distinct populations<br />

during the Woodland period. The St. Croix<br />

River is difficult to navigate. In fact, from the<br />

Chiputneticook Lakes, it is easier to travel via<br />

portages to the Saint John River than to use the St.<br />

Croix. An interior population would have had greater<br />

access to lithic resources, nut trees, terrestrial fauna,<br />

and freshwater fish. The Quoddy Region is a rich<br />

marine environment with sheltered coastal campsites<br />

and a number of large islands. Terrestrial fauna could<br />

be hunted near the coast and on some of the larger<br />

islands. Harbor seals are attracted to freshwater estuaries,<br />

rivers, and lakes (Beck 1983) in the early spring and<br />

summer, and the harbor porpoise is a year-round resident<br />

(Gaskin 1983). Cod were resident and abundant<br />

336 Deal

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