Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300
Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300
Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300
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to Loring’s (1988) regional exchange hypothesis for<br />
the Late Prehistoric period.<br />
Archaeological evidence for the sixteenth century<br />
indicates that traditional summer fishing villages<br />
were abandoned after European contact, and that<br />
people began to move to the coast to trade (Allen<br />
1991:37). The faunal information from archaeological<br />
sites indicates more variety in site seasonality on the<br />
east coast compared to the Fundy coast (Stewart<br />
1989:56). Stewart (1989:74) indicates that the discrepancy<br />
between the faunal evidence from the Fundy<br />
and northeastern coast sites may be indicative of an<br />
ethnic split, with the ancestral Mi’kmaq using coastal<br />
sources mostly in the summer and the ancestral<br />
Maliseet-Passamaquoddy using coastal resources<br />
mostly in the winter.<br />
SUMMARY AND DISCUSSION<br />
Although the archaeological evidence is far from<br />
complete, it is obvious that the Late Prehistoric and<br />
Protohistoric populations of New Brunswick exploited<br />
a broad and diverse range of natural resources.<br />
Faunal resources recovered from archaeological sites<br />
represent a wide range of the available modern<br />
species, as well as extinct sea mink and great auk. Furbearing<br />
mammals were widely distributed throughout<br />
the province. Anadromous and catadromous fish<br />
species were a particularly valuable riverine resource,<br />
especially Atlantic salmon. Shellfish were important<br />
in certain areas, especially during the Middle and<br />
early Late Woodland period in Passamaquoddy Bay.<br />
Archaeological evidence of plant use is beginning<br />
to accumulate, but at a slow pace due to considerable<br />
preservation problems. The present archaeological<br />
evidence is obviously only a small fraction of the<br />
species once collected in prehistoric times. Nutshells<br />
and seeds from various wild fruits are represented in<br />
charred form, but the green parts of plants and flowers<br />
used for herbal medicines and beverages do not<br />
survive in the acidic soils of the province. Wood, bark,<br />
and plant fibers have survived only under exceptional<br />
preservation conditions. Local variability in foodstuffs<br />
may have been important to social and economic<br />
interactions within the region. The exchange of<br />
botanical products is well documented for western<br />
Canada, including seaweeds, berries, roots, bulbs,<br />
nuts, woods, baskets, mats, twines, and fibers (Turner<br />
and Loewen 1998). While documentation is inadequate<br />
for the east coast, a similar range of products<br />
was available for exchange. Leonard’s incipient horticulture<br />
model for portions of the province also<br />
deserves further consideration, but at present it<br />
should be considered speculative.<br />
Certain rock and mineral resources were also<br />
important to aboriginal populations in New<br />
Brunswick. In the Late Prehistoric period, knappable<br />
lithics were the raw materials for hunting and processing<br />
tools. Native populations in the <strong>Northeast</strong><br />
sought out the best quality lithic materials in each<br />
region, and certain higher quality lithics were distributed<br />
over long distances. Cherts from coastal<br />
Labrador and the Quebec interior made their way to<br />
the Maritimes and Maine, and especially toward the<br />
end of the Prehistoric period. Cherts, chalcedonies,<br />
and rhyolites from certain Nova Scotian quarries were<br />
also prized. Ground stone raw materials and clay for<br />
pottery making were widely available within the<br />
province. Copper was an important material for making<br />
both ritual and domestic items throughout the<br />
Woodland period. Only small amounts of local copper<br />
were available, so raw copper was most likely<br />
acquired through trade, at first from long-distance<br />
Native sources, then regional Native sources, and<br />
finally through European trade during the<br />
Protohistoric period.<br />
As archaeological evidence accumulates for the<br />
Late Prehistoric/Protohistoric period, more finegrained<br />
studies of settlement form and mobility<br />
patterns in different parts of the province may be possible,<br />
like Black’s (1992) study of the Bliss Islands. For<br />
most of the region we are forced to look at large-scale<br />
similarities and differences in landscape and resource<br />
availability. Some of the major characteristics of the<br />
archaeological areas are listed in Table 17.2. There is a<br />
possibility that the Chiputneticook-St. Croix drainage<br />
and Passamaquoddy Bay area had two distinct populations<br />
during the Woodland period. The St. Croix<br />
River is difficult to navigate. In fact, from the<br />
Chiputneticook Lakes, it is easier to travel via<br />
portages to the Saint John River than to use the St.<br />
Croix. An interior population would have had greater<br />
access to lithic resources, nut trees, terrestrial fauna,<br />
and freshwater fish. The Quoddy Region is a rich<br />
marine environment with sheltered coastal campsites<br />
and a number of large islands. Terrestrial fauna could<br />
be hunted near the coast and on some of the larger<br />
islands. Harbor seals are attracted to freshwater estuaries,<br />
rivers, and lakes (Beck 1983) in the early spring and<br />
summer, and the harbor porpoise is a year-round resident<br />
(Gaskin 1983). Cod were resident and abundant<br />
336 Deal