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Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300

Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300

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CHAPTER 17<br />

ABORIGINAL LAND AND RESOURCE USE<br />

IN NEW BRUNSWICK DURING THE LATE PREHISTORIC<br />

AND EARLY CONTACT PERIODS<br />

Michael Deal<br />

INTRODUCTION<br />

This chapter developed from a legal background<br />

paper relating to aboriginal land claims in the province<br />

of New Brunswick (Deal 1998), which along with Nova<br />

Scotia and Prince Edward Island, make up the<br />

Canadian Maritime Provinces. While the information<br />

was originally used to illustrate traditional ties to the<br />

landscape and resources for establishing aboriginal<br />

land and resource rights (e.g., Aronson 1997), it is also<br />

valuable to archaeologists who wish to understand the<br />

ecological context of local prehistoric societies and<br />

related mobility strategies. Land use patterns are<br />

equated here with patterns of archaeological settlement<br />

(site) distribution and seasonality, while resource<br />

use relates to the natural resources that formed the<br />

basis of prehistoric technologies and subsistence practices.<br />

The Late Prehistoric and Protohistoric aboriginal<br />

inhabitants of New Brunswick were foraging peoples<br />

(hunter-gatherers) who followed complex mobility<br />

patterns according to changing socioeconomic conditions.<br />

According to Kelly (1992:43-44), forager mobility,<br />

or the periodic movements of people across the landscape,<br />

is influenced by a number of factors, including<br />

subsistence, level of food storage, trade, territoriality,<br />

social and gender inequalities, work patterns, demography,<br />

and cultural perceptions. Nash (1997) even associates<br />

the long-term settlement and subsistence patterns<br />

of the indigenous peoples of the region with the<br />

three archetypal landscapes of glacial wasteland, primordial<br />

sea, and forest labyrinth, with the latter being<br />

primarily associated with the Woodland period.<br />

Following Binford (1980), a distinction is made here<br />

between residential mobility and logistical mobility.<br />

The former relates to the movement of all members of<br />

a campsite or village from one location to another,<br />

while the latter involves the movement of small<br />

groups or individuals to and from residential sites<br />

(Kelly 1983:278). In logistical terms, mobility can<br />

involve short trips for general foraging, specific tasks,<br />

or resource monitoring. The discussion below begins<br />

with a review of archaeological evidence of aboriginal<br />

resource use in the province, followed by an<br />

assessment of current models of aboriginal settlement<br />

and resource use. The major archaeological sites discussed<br />

below are found on the map in Figure 17.1.<br />

Archaeologists working in the Maritime Provinces<br />

generally agree that there was a largely unbroken cultural<br />

sequence for the 1,500 year span before<br />

European contact (ca. 2000-500 B.P.). In terms of the<br />

regional chronology, this includes the Middle and<br />

Late Woodland and Protohistoric periods (see Table<br />

17.1). While Middle and Late occupations can sometimes<br />

be distinguished in coastal shell midden sites<br />

(Black, this volume), this is not always possible at<br />

interior sites, which tend to have compressed stratigraphy<br />

and occupation sequences from Late Archaic to<br />

historic times. In the archaeological literature, the<br />

Middle and Late Woodland peoples are generally<br />

treated as a cultural continuum, distinguished by<br />

minor changes in technology, and historic ethnic divisions<br />

are often projected back to the Middle<br />

Woodland period (e.g., the ancestral Mik’maq,<br />

Maliseet, and Passamaquoddy). Middle and Late<br />

manifestations of Woodland culture are often distinguished<br />

on stylistic fads in ceramic designs, and<br />

assigned to specific Ceramic periods (CP1-7; after<br />

Petersen and Sanger 1991). Based on our current<br />

understanding of local prehistory, the “early Late<br />

Prehistoric (A.D. <strong>700</strong>-1300)” designation used elsewhere<br />

in this volume is not easily identified as a distinctive<br />

developmental period. However, ongoing<br />

research does suggest a trend from Middle to Late<br />

Woodland times toward the exploitation of a wider<br />

<strong>Northeast</strong> <strong>Subsistence</strong>-<strong>Settlement</strong> <strong>Change</strong>: A.D. <strong>700</strong><strong>–1300</strong> by John P. Hart and Christina B. Rieth. New York State Museum<br />

© 2002 by the University of the State of New York, The State Education Department, Albany, New York. All rights reserved.<br />

Chapter 17 Aboriginal Land and Resource Use in New Brunswick During the Late Prehistoric and Early Contact Periods 321

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