Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300
Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300
Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300
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prehistoric origins for sedentism and defensible locations<br />
in northern New England, dating well before<br />
European contact, as seen at the Early Fall site.<br />
Technological Data<br />
Technological data also support the idea that a fundamental<br />
transformation occurred during the Late<br />
Woodland period before A.D. 1300 across much of the<br />
<strong>Northeast</strong>. To begin this brief review, ceramic and perishable<br />
fiber artifacts provide evidence of both continuity<br />
and change between the Middle and Late<br />
Woodland periods. We have presented considerable<br />
details about Middle and Late Woodland ceramics and<br />
fiber perishables elsewhere. To summarize, locally distinctive<br />
ceramic styles first became widespread during<br />
the Late Woodland period and there are local differences<br />
across most of the region well before European<br />
contact (e.g., Chilton 1998; Cowie and Petersen 1999;<br />
Goodby 1998; Lavin 1998; Petersen 1990; Petersen and<br />
Sanger 1991; Petersen and Toney 2000). In general, late<br />
northeastern ceramic styles commonly shared thin vessel<br />
walls, relatively small vessel size in most cases<br />
(except among unequivocal Iroquoian examples), and<br />
typically elaborate incised, punctate, and other zoned<br />
decoration with and without collars.<br />
We believe that these widely distributed ceramics<br />
show crystallization of Native ethnicity well before the<br />
Contact period during the Late Woodland period,<br />
clearly by ca. A.D. 1300. These changes are quite likely<br />
a consequence of horticulture, social aggregation, and<br />
increased sedentism. Social identity may have become<br />
increasingly important in the context of these broad<br />
transformations. We argue that late prehistoric farming<br />
transformed local pottery styles or traditions less (or<br />
not at all?) for “functional” reasons, as Braun (1987)<br />
and others have argued, but instead, primarily because<br />
of sociopolitical factors related to social signaling and<br />
identity.<br />
Fiber perishables, or “textiles,” are typically very<br />
incomplete for any one specimen and are so rarely analyzed<br />
that we know much less about them relative to<br />
ceramics. Nonetheless, they are potentially important<br />
because cordage twist and twining weft slant, among<br />
other attributes, are normally population-specific, as<br />
well established through many previous archaeological<br />
and ethnographic analyses (e.g., Petersen 1996;<br />
Petersen et al. 2001; Petersen and Wolford 2000). New<br />
textile forms such as interlinking appeared during the<br />
Late Woodland period, along with the continuation of<br />
predominant twining forms (Petersen 1996; Petersen<br />
and Sanger 1991). Although most often reconstructed<br />
using impressions on pottery, Late Woodland textiles<br />
show a continuation of regional differences between<br />
coastal and noncoastal groups around the Gulf of<br />
Maine in the U.S. and Canada, with continuity<br />
between the Middle and Late Woodland periods. We<br />
see the continuation of distinct coastal and noncoastal<br />
New England patterns in other words. The noncoastal,<br />
“interior” New England textile pattern also can be differentiated<br />
from most, if not all Iroquoian textiles, as<br />
well (Petersen 1996; Petersen and Wolford 2000). With<br />
the exception of the Goddard site (the location of a presumed<br />
warm season trade fair), strong patterning continued<br />
to differentiate the New England coast and interior<br />
during and after the Late Woodland period. In<br />
other words, Z-twist and Z-weft slant differentiated<br />
coastal and Iroquoian textiles from the S-twist and S-<br />
weft slant of noncoastal New England textiles. In some<br />
Late Woodland contexts, artifact evidence unequivocally<br />
documents long-distance trade or direct transport<br />
of ceramics made on the coast far into the interior, as on<br />
the Connecticut, Androscoggin, and Penobscot Rivers,<br />
among others, on the basis of pottery temper and associated<br />
textile evidence. The co-occurrence of coastal<br />
cordage twist and weft slant on shell-tempered pottery<br />
at sites far away from the coast allows us to make this<br />
inference at various interior sites, including, for example,<br />
Skitchewaug on the Connecticut River.<br />
ETHNOHISTORIC DATA ABOUT NATIVE<br />
SUBSISTENCE AND SETTLEMENT<br />
Ethnohistoric and archaeological information for the<br />
Contact period in the <strong>Northeast</strong>, ca. A.D. 1550/1600-<br />
1750, are important to the present discussion because<br />
they provide a critical “endpoint” for the processes of<br />
cultural evolution that we recognize during the preceding<br />
Late Woodland period and likely earlier. Again,<br />
we do not want to belabor this point, but we feel that<br />
interpretation of this information is closely related to<br />
interpretation of the prehistoric data, and disagreement<br />
about the effects of European contact has led to<br />
disagreement about the importance of prehistoric horticulture<br />
in the <strong>Northeast</strong>.<br />
Some critics will disagree about the nature of<br />
Contact period subsistence and settlement across the<br />
region as it is portrayed here, including northern New<br />
England, suggesting that the early European explorers<br />
and colonists inevitably misrepresented the Native<br />
peoples they met. These scholars would suggest, for<br />
example, that such misrepresentation includes records<br />
for various coastal groups from the St. Lawrence River<br />
280 Petersen and Cowie