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Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300

Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300

Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300

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prehistoric origins for sedentism and defensible locations<br />

in northern New England, dating well before<br />

European contact, as seen at the Early Fall site.<br />

Technological Data<br />

Technological data also support the idea that a fundamental<br />

transformation occurred during the Late<br />

Woodland period before A.D. 1300 across much of the<br />

<strong>Northeast</strong>. To begin this brief review, ceramic and perishable<br />

fiber artifacts provide evidence of both continuity<br />

and change between the Middle and Late<br />

Woodland periods. We have presented considerable<br />

details about Middle and Late Woodland ceramics and<br />

fiber perishables elsewhere. To summarize, locally distinctive<br />

ceramic styles first became widespread during<br />

the Late Woodland period and there are local differences<br />

across most of the region well before European<br />

contact (e.g., Chilton 1998; Cowie and Petersen 1999;<br />

Goodby 1998; Lavin 1998; Petersen 1990; Petersen and<br />

Sanger 1991; Petersen and Toney 2000). In general, late<br />

northeastern ceramic styles commonly shared thin vessel<br />

walls, relatively small vessel size in most cases<br />

(except among unequivocal Iroquoian examples), and<br />

typically elaborate incised, punctate, and other zoned<br />

decoration with and without collars.<br />

We believe that these widely distributed ceramics<br />

show crystallization of Native ethnicity well before the<br />

Contact period during the Late Woodland period,<br />

clearly by ca. A.D. 1300. These changes are quite likely<br />

a consequence of horticulture, social aggregation, and<br />

increased sedentism. Social identity may have become<br />

increasingly important in the context of these broad<br />

transformations. We argue that late prehistoric farming<br />

transformed local pottery styles or traditions less (or<br />

not at all?) for “functional” reasons, as Braun (1987)<br />

and others have argued, but instead, primarily because<br />

of sociopolitical factors related to social signaling and<br />

identity.<br />

Fiber perishables, or “textiles,” are typically very<br />

incomplete for any one specimen and are so rarely analyzed<br />

that we know much less about them relative to<br />

ceramics. Nonetheless, they are potentially important<br />

because cordage twist and twining weft slant, among<br />

other attributes, are normally population-specific, as<br />

well established through many previous archaeological<br />

and ethnographic analyses (e.g., Petersen 1996;<br />

Petersen et al. 2001; Petersen and Wolford 2000). New<br />

textile forms such as interlinking appeared during the<br />

Late Woodland period, along with the continuation of<br />

predominant twining forms (Petersen 1996; Petersen<br />

and Sanger 1991). Although most often reconstructed<br />

using impressions on pottery, Late Woodland textiles<br />

show a continuation of regional differences between<br />

coastal and noncoastal groups around the Gulf of<br />

Maine in the U.S. and Canada, with continuity<br />

between the Middle and Late Woodland periods. We<br />

see the continuation of distinct coastal and noncoastal<br />

New England patterns in other words. The noncoastal,<br />

“interior” New England textile pattern also can be differentiated<br />

from most, if not all Iroquoian textiles, as<br />

well (Petersen 1996; Petersen and Wolford 2000). With<br />

the exception of the Goddard site (the location of a presumed<br />

warm season trade fair), strong patterning continued<br />

to differentiate the New England coast and interior<br />

during and after the Late Woodland period. In<br />

other words, Z-twist and Z-weft slant differentiated<br />

coastal and Iroquoian textiles from the S-twist and S-<br />

weft slant of noncoastal New England textiles. In some<br />

Late Woodland contexts, artifact evidence unequivocally<br />

documents long-distance trade or direct transport<br />

of ceramics made on the coast far into the interior, as on<br />

the Connecticut, Androscoggin, and Penobscot Rivers,<br />

among others, on the basis of pottery temper and associated<br />

textile evidence. The co-occurrence of coastal<br />

cordage twist and weft slant on shell-tempered pottery<br />

at sites far away from the coast allows us to make this<br />

inference at various interior sites, including, for example,<br />

Skitchewaug on the Connecticut River.<br />

ETHNOHISTORIC DATA ABOUT NATIVE<br />

SUBSISTENCE AND SETTLEMENT<br />

Ethnohistoric and archaeological information for the<br />

Contact period in the <strong>Northeast</strong>, ca. A.D. 1550/1600-<br />

1750, are important to the present discussion because<br />

they provide a critical “endpoint” for the processes of<br />

cultural evolution that we recognize during the preceding<br />

Late Woodland period and likely earlier. Again,<br />

we do not want to belabor this point, but we feel that<br />

interpretation of this information is closely related to<br />

interpretation of the prehistoric data, and disagreement<br />

about the effects of European contact has led to<br />

disagreement about the importance of prehistoric horticulture<br />

in the <strong>Northeast</strong>.<br />

Some critics will disagree about the nature of<br />

Contact period subsistence and settlement across the<br />

region as it is portrayed here, including northern New<br />

England, suggesting that the early European explorers<br />

and colonists inevitably misrepresented the Native<br />

peoples they met. These scholars would suggest, for<br />

example, that such misrepresentation includes records<br />

for various coastal groups from the St. Lawrence River<br />

280 Petersen and Cowie

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