Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300
Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300
Northeast Subsistence-Settlement Change: A.D. 700 –1300
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Among the food plants listed above, Canada plum<br />
(Prunus nigra) may be of particular importance. It<br />
grows wild throughout the province, but is most<br />
densely clustered along the upper Saint John and<br />
Restigouche Rivers, the mouth of the St. Croix River,<br />
and along the lower portion of the Miramichi River<br />
(Gorham 1943:44). The common occurrence of plum<br />
trees at Native sites and the recovery of charred plum<br />
pits at Meductic led Gorham (1943) to suggest that the<br />
prehistoric Native peoples of New Brunswick were<br />
intentionally planting this species around their campsites.<br />
Leonard (1996) recently recovered plum pits<br />
from a Late Prehistoric burial at Skull Island site,<br />
Shediac Bay, and has revived Gorham’s theory concerning<br />
Native arboriculture. Additional evidence for<br />
possible plum arboriculture comes from the discovery<br />
of nine plum pits in a leather pouch that accompanied<br />
a Protohistoric female burial from Northport, Nova<br />
Scotia (Whitehead 1993:45). The Skull Island site also<br />
produced 75 gm of charred groundnut (Apios americana)<br />
tubers (Leonard 1996:144-152). This species was<br />
an important food resource in the Early Historic period<br />
and very likely represents a form of pre-Contact<br />
plant use. Leonard (1996:150-152) presents evidence<br />
that indicates that the groundnut may actually have<br />
been introduced into the Maritimes during prehistoric<br />
times.<br />
Leonard (1995, 1996:168-186) also reviews the evidence<br />
for possible Mi’kmaq horticulture during the<br />
Protohistoric period. He cites Lescarbot’s assertion<br />
that the Mi’kmaq once cultivated corn, beans, and<br />
squashes, only to abandon the practice when they<br />
began to acquire foodstuffs through trade with the<br />
French (Leonard 1996:176). Leonard also cites Pierre<br />
Arsenault’s 1714 account of Mi’kmaq gardens of corn<br />
at Shediac and Richibucto, and John Giles late seventeenth<br />
century account of Maliseet gardens of corn<br />
and storage practices at Meductic (1996:177-180). As<br />
Leonard points out (1996:176), both of these areas had<br />
suitable climatic conditions for corn horticulture,<br />
along with portions of southwestern New Brunswick.<br />
Historic accounts also indicate that the Mi’kmaq were<br />
growing tobacco (probably Nicotiana rustica) during<br />
the early seventeenth century (Leonard 1996:168-174).<br />
Monckton (1997) recently identified corn kernel and<br />
cupule (Zea mays) fragments, and a single possible<br />
tobacco seed from the Jemseg site. Unfortunately, the<br />
cultural context for these specimens is presently<br />
unclear (Susan Blair 2000, pers. comm.), and other<br />
specimens of uncharred squash seeds (Cucurbita pepo)<br />
and a single charred barley seed (Hordeum sp.) are<br />
believed to date to the period of European settlement.<br />
Leonard’s (1996) study provides a provocative<br />
model of Late Prehistoric-Protohistoric plant use. It<br />
begins with a Late Prehistoric hunting and fishing subsistence<br />
strategy, supplemented by the collection of<br />
edible berries, nuts, and roots. This much is consistent<br />
with existing paleoethnobotanical evidence. Some time<br />
during the Late Prehistoric period, plum arboriculture<br />
and tuber management were introduced from outside<br />
the region. This rudimentary form of horticulture prepared<br />
them for the adoption of tobacco, and later, corn<br />
(maize) cultivation. The latter most likely took place<br />
between A.D. 1350 and 1550, in areas suitable for corn<br />
cultivation (Leonard 1996:185). As the volume of<br />
European foodstuffs including peas, beans, biscuits,<br />
and prunes increased, attempts at corn horticulture,<br />
along with plum arboriculture, were abandoned. This<br />
model is very compelling, but much more archaeological<br />
evidence is needed, especially in areas of possible<br />
corn cultivation.<br />
Faunal Resources<br />
Faunal resources utilized by the Late Prehistoric<br />
peoples of New Brunswick include a variety of land<br />
and marine mammals, birds, freshwater and marine<br />
fish, and shellfish. Today, the diversity and richness of<br />
faunal resources varies considerably by ecological<br />
zone within the province. Although the archaeological<br />
record for faunal resources in this province is far<br />
from complete, it demonstrates that this situation also<br />
existed in the Late Prehistoric period when it affected<br />
local patterns of resource exploitation (e.g., Burley<br />
1981:206). There have been over one hundred zooarchaeological<br />
reports written for the Maritime<br />
Provinces (Murphy and Black 1996). These reports<br />
tend to be short research papers, often unpublished,<br />
concerning faunal assemblages from single sites, but<br />
together they give us a glimpse of prehistoric animal<br />
use. Stewart (1989) provides one of the few published<br />
overview papers for this region.<br />
It should be noted that the preservation of archaeological<br />
specimens varies considerably between coastal<br />
and interior locations. Large quantities of shell in<br />
coastal midden sites counteract the acidity of midden<br />
sediments and allow the preservation of a wider<br />
range of organic materials, including mammal, bird,<br />
and fish bones. Bones do not survive well at interior<br />
sites unless they have been exposed to fire. Even then,<br />
some denser bone, such as beaver, survive charring<br />
better than bones of other species (Knight 1985; Spiess<br />
1992), thus influencing the interpretation of faunal<br />
assemblages at interior sites. Evidence of interior<br />
Chapter 17 Aboriginal Land and Resource Use in New Brunswick During the Late Prehistoric and Early Contact Periods 325