5 r. a b a S i a (Tbilisi) bgeraTSesatyvisobis erTi rigisaTvis qarTvelur ...

Xersig ‘sucking-pig’ (Ing. xursk). Formed with diminutive suff. -ig from
h’ars- // *ph’ars- ‘fair’, related to PIE *perk- ‘motley, spotty’, *pork'o ‘pig,
swine’ (Lat. роrcus, Lith. paršas ‘hog’, Slav. *porsen ‘sucking-pig’).
H’iex 1 ‘Caucasian goat’ (dial. h’iek, Ing h’agh, Bats h’ax, pl. h’axar).
From *h’ax (< *h’ak // *ph’ak), wich related to PIE *p h ek u - ‘cattle’, Iran.
*pak ‘small cattle; sheep, ram’ (Avest. pasu- ‘cattle’, Khotan-sak. pasa
‘sheep’, Pekhl. pah, Kurd pas, pes, Afg. psэ ‘sheep’, Osset. fys ‘sheep’).
Esa ‘calf’ (Ing. ‘asa, Bats as). Proto-Nakh *as // *asi ‘calf, stirk’ probably
related to E ass, ME asse ‘donkey’. Also cf.: Dag. *b-as- ‘calf’ (Avar
beče < *b-ese, Akhvakh buša < *b-usa, Bezt. biše < *bise), where b- is a gender
mark.
K. W a m l i n g (Malmoe)
Agreement in Circassian Pentavalent Verbs
The general frame of this paper is the interest in the range of variation in
human languages, and in this particular case, the range of variation in verbal agreement.
William Croft, the prominent typologist and disciple of J. Greenberg, maintains
that ”the maximum of indexed arguments is four: A, T, G and either a
benefactive […] or a causer in a causative construction” (Croft 2003). He refers
to the Bantu language, Kinyarwanda and North Caucasian Abaza.
This point is further developed in the paper and it is noted that the system
of subject and object agreement in the Circassian languages is even richer. The
prefixal slots for person and number markers of the Circassian verb amount to a
maximum of five (Kumakhov & Vamling 2006). This is found, for instance, in
derived verbs resulting from causative, comitative and/or benefactive derivation.
Although ø-marking is common in the agreement system, a pentavalent verb
may include five overt agreement markers, as in (1) below.
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