5 r. a b a S i a (Tbilisi) bgeraTSesatyvisobis erTi rigisaTvis qarTvelur ...

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the paradigm it is characteristic that infinitive carries more general verbal characteristic features (with minimal nominal signs). As for masdar, it is typical exverbal noun. It is evident that it is verbal and nominal derivative content that is realized with the help of the opposition of [n] – [r] suffix elements. Both infinitive and masdar are derived from one and the same root. Infinitive is formed by adding the suffix –n while masdar is formed by adding the suffix –r. It means that the given suffixes carry the function of word formation. comp. eg: āla n and ālar “tkma-” (to say), vakha n and vakhar “tsasvla-” (to go), (R. Pareulidze 2008:13; D. Imnaishvili 1962:240; D. Imnaishvili, 1978, etc.). The fact that –n element in the auslaut of infinitive is not always shown is explained by phonetical process: In final position the sound –n after the vowel becomes weaker in Nakh language and makes preceding vowel nasal. In some dialects of Chechen language (e. g; Kistian) as well as Ingush language even nasalized vowel is omitted (Pareulidze, 2008). But the preceding a vowel of the indicated sonor element is consonant divisor. For diachronic interpretation of the described process it would be even better if we said that it is vowel element that is realized as –al, -ar suffixes after the realization of sonor alternation in form of derivational elements. If we evaluate these data of Nakh languages in one system: Vakh-an (inf.) "to go" Vakh-ar (masd.) "to go" Its structural and functional analogy will clearly be found in historical data presented for Georgian firstly, through corresponding solar alternation and then through the same structural derivation. The main thing is that the distributional rule of the sonor elements represents the same basis for this stem formation: -n element includes the function of verbal stem marking, as for element -r it is added to the nominal stem. This process of stem formation shows one and the same picture not only in terms of functional but also material aspects. Subsequently, there are all the reasons to suppose that with such data we are dealing with one and the same diachronic case of common origins of semantic differentiation (lexicolization) of nominal and verbal root-stems. But on the other hand they are the signs (revealings) of different chronological levels of form derivation and their sequential analysis represents common basis of stem generation in the Ibero-Caucasian languages. 44
n. a r d o t e l i (<strong>Tbilisi</strong>) zmnur Zir-fuZeTa fonematuri struqturis rekonstruqciisaTvis xunZur-andiur-didour enebSi 1. xunZur-andiur-didour enaTa Zireuli zmnebis fleqsia-derivaciis istoriul-SedarebiTi analizi cxadyofs, rom zmnur Zir-fuZeTa da formantTa amosavali struqturuli tipi gansxvavebuli unda yofiliyo amJamindeli viTarebisagan. istoriulad sakvlev enaTa zmnas, rogorc sxva iberiul-kavkasiur enaTa sinamdvilidanac kargad aris cnobili (arn. Ciqobava, il. cercvaZe, g. rogava, t. gudava, e. lomTaZe, b. gigineiSvili, m. aleqseevi, b. aTaevi...), unda hqonoda aseTi morfologiuri struqtura: gramatikuli klasis eqsponenti + Ziri + sadeterminacio sufiqsi (resp. fuZis formanti) + derivaciuli da relaciuri morfemebi: A F + R + A D + A F (resp. A D ), mag., xunZ. Ã…-e-ze `dakvla~ ~ and. b-u-Ã-u: boTl. b-e-Ã-u: bagv. b-u-Ã-u: axv. b-i-Ã…-ari `dakla~ ~ sak. did. b-e-x…-ad-a: xvarS. b-i-x…-ad-a `dakvla~... xunZurSi dakargulia klasis eqsponenti, xunZ.-and. Ziria -Ã…-, romelsac didourSi kanonzomierad -x…- Seesatyviseba. did. da xvarS. enebSi daCndeba determinanti -ad. 2. warmodgenili kanonikuri modeli yvela zmnisTvis SeiZleba arc iyos obligatoruli, vinaidan im formebisa- Tvis, romelTac Ziri da fuZe identuri aqvT, zemomoyvanili formula simartiviT xasiaTdeba: klasis eqsponenti + Ziri (= fuZe) + afiqsi: A F + R + A F (resp. A D ). 3. Cveni azriT, zmnuri fuZis struqturidan unda gamoiricxos klasis eqsponentebi e. w. damakavSirebeli xmovniTurT, ris Sedegadac fuZis ori ZiriTadi tipi gamoiyofa: a) determinantiani da b) udeterminanto (= Zirs). fuZis winamavali klasis eqsponenti (mxlebeli xmovniT an umisod) ikargeba mTlianad, Tumca misi kvali, reliqtis 45
Page 1 and 2: . a b a S i a (Tbilisi) bgeraTSesat
Page 3 and 4: We can assume that in the equivalen
Page 5 and 6: ha - qa «клятва», hobol - q
Page 7 and 8: Формы перфектной с
Page 9 and 10: formation (immediate or immediate i
Page 11 and 12: В функционально-гр
Page 13 and 14: деепричастия совер
Page 15 and 16: sual types of subordinate clauses a
Page 17 and 18: поскольку оно напр
Page 19 and 20: гоязычия в Дагеста
Page 21 and 22: M . A g l a r o v (Makhachkala) A P
Page 23 and 24: Б . А т а е в (Махачка
Page 25 and 26: Н. А л ь б е к о в (Гро
Page 27 and 28: culture of the nation. But it doesn
Page 29 and 30: “теплый” - баба-гь-
Page 31 and 32: language and had lost its popular b
Page 33 and 34: nisa da RvTaebrivi enisa. dabal fen
Page 35 and 36: is saxeluri fuZeebi, romelTa zmnuri
Page 37 and 38: Tuki naxur enaTa am monacemebs erTi
Page 39: In the respect of the difficult his
Page 43 and 44: ve the following morphological stru
Page 45 and 46: S. A s l a n o v a, Z. E f e n d i
Page 47 and 48: 2. analizis sagania atributul sinta
Page 49 and 50: Seadgenen qveynis mosaxleobis 81.9%
Page 51 and 52: “fexsacmeli”. Sdr.: pali: upāh
Page 53 and 54: We will discuss those peculiarities
Page 55 and 56: is the most different language from
Page 57 and 58: М . Б а г о м е д о в (М
Page 59 and 60: На исчезновение то
Page 61 and 62: XX saukunis ocian wlebSi sabWoTa xe
Page 63 and 64: language on all territory of Russia
Page 65 and 66: гьамиша ‘всегда, п
Page 67 and 68: hand, and in keeping the non-adapte
Page 69 and 70: В даргинском языке
Page 71 and 72: The Future Indicative Tense in Darg
Page 73 and 74: языка воспринимают
Page 75 and 76: Compound verbs, syntactical matrix
Page 77 and 78: zRvruls, osurSi aqac gansxvavebuli
Page 79 and 80: 3. Determinant is expressed by adje
Page 81 and 82: TavisTavad am kiTxvas ar eqneboda r
Page 83 and 84: turebamde. es gza unda gadiodes Cve
Page 85 and 86: анлаутных гласных.
Page 87 and 88: “kuTvnilebis” cnebaTa Serwyma d
Page 89 and 90: se into a static present or to be u
Page 91 and 92:
Б.Ч. Б и ж о е в (Наль
Page 93 and 94:
Деепричастная синт
Page 95 and 96:
units. However, Kartvelian offers s
Page 97 and 98:
3. Zval-i “Zvali” : a-zur “id
Page 99 and 100:
Basque and Kartvelian languages, am
Page 101 and 102:
tis Sefasebas gvawvdis. sityvaSi so
Page 103 and 104:
guists attempt to reach in the esse
Page 105 and 106:
Tavs umlautis gareSe. zog TqmaSi am
Page 107 and 108:
quantitatively and qualitatively. T
Page 109 and 110:
З . И . Г а й д а р о в
Page 111 and 112:
указание на то, что
Page 113 and 114:
It goes without saying that very cl
Page 115 and 116:
In Lezgfian language they say «yex
Page 117 and 118:
заслуживающие снис
Page 119 and 120:
There is an opinion on necessity of
Page 121 and 122:
«концы ножниц»; миц
Page 123 and 124:
ad ekuTvnis awmyos wresac da myofad
Page 125 and 126:
omonimur gagebas Seicavs zogjer orp
Page 127 and 128:
Some verbs of the middle voice can
Page 129 and 130:
g. g o g o l a S v i l i (Tbilisi)
Page 131 and 132:
qalaquri metyvelebis mravalferovneb
Page 133 and 134:
Catarebuli kvlevis safuZvelze SeiZl
Page 135 and 136:
tivirebulobas gansazRvraven. enaSi
Page 137 and 138:
mono-semousness. Special importance
Page 139 and 140:
Название некоторых
Page 141 and 142:
I. D i b i r o v, Kh. I b r a g i m
Page 143 and 144:
girdibil «a cross-section saw»,
Page 145 and 146:
The list of classification of langu
Page 147 and 148:
goriaTa morfologiuri modelebis urTi
Page 149 and 150:
magram mniSvnelobas inarCunebs geg
Page 151 and 152:
iantis audio-Cawera am Targmanis mi
Page 153 and 154:
able to record on audiotape a few T
Page 155 and 156:
сердер ‘наместник
Page 157 and 158:
In comparison with the archaic word
Page 159 and 160:
‘оплодотворение, п
Page 161 and 162:
‘шерстистый, длинн
Page 163 and 164:
*stur ‘strong, hard, stalwart’.
Page 165:
The Northwest Caucasian languages t
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5 r. a b a S i a (Tbilisi) bgeraTSesatyvisobis erTi rigisaTvis qarTvelur ...

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