Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

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varieties with grammatical resumption, they serve as resumptives, (140). The perfect
status of the PCC repair in all these contexts sets it apart from pronouns
judged ungrammatical though produced, such as the 'intrusive' resumptives of
English (Ferreira and Swets 2005, Alexopoulou and Keller 2007).
(138) Personnei ne / Chacuni veut que je te présente à luii.
No onei / Everyonei wants that I introduce you.A to himi.
(139) Regardez comme il s'addresse à vousi qui êtesi venus!
Look how he addresses himself to you who are.2PL come!
(140) C'est un petit garsi que n'importe qui s'adaptait à luii.
It's a little boyi that anybody adapted himself to himi.
(Lefebvre and Fournier 1978: 275, Auger 1994: 228)
The repair may occur at a considerable surface distance from the clitic cluster
affected by the PCC. This occurs in causatives with clitic-climbing. In (141), the
arguments involved probably first form a clitic cluster in the embedded clause,
undergo repair there, and then climb higher. The surface cliticization site is far
from the surface repair site. 67
(141) *Il me lui fera [me lui présenter par ses parents].
Il me fera [me lui présenter à elle par ses parents].
he me.A her.D will.make introduce to her by his parents.
He will have me introduced to them by his parents.
(Kayne 1975: 297)
More telling are causatives where the two clitics never form a cluster. In (142)
and (143), the clitics represent the embedded accusative object and the dative
causee-subject. This type of causativization in discussed further in section 4.5.
Here it is pertinent that while the accusative can exceptionally cliticize within the
infinitive, the causee never can, indicating that the two clitics are only brought together
in the matrix clause. The resulting cluster is barred by the PCC. Yet the repair
leaves the causee in-situ as a strong pronoun, perhaps quite low as will be
67 Pertinent is (i), for the y-grammar ¥ . Some speakers permit a dative clitic to climb out of a causativized
infinitive with the reflexive clitic se, in contrast to the usual clitic cohesion reported in
note 61. This occurs in (i), cf. inversely (ii). In (i-a), such climbing avoids the PCC *se lui. So
also in (i-b), but here the PCC has been repaired by y within the lower clause first.
(i) a ¥ Marcel lui a fait [sei présenter tlui Lucillei].
Marcel made Lucille introduce herself.A (se) to her.D (lui).
b ¥ ?On yk a fait [sei décrire ty Philippei, à Louise/ellek].
We made Philippe describe himself.A (se) LOCk=to.her (y), to Louisek / herk.
(Postal 1990: 166, 130, cf. 1983: 408)
(ii) Elle mei laj (?luik) laissera ti (luik) dire tj tk.
She will have me.Di (me) tell it.Aj (la) to him.Dk (lui).
(Conceição 2007: 92 note 16)