Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS
Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS
Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS
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182<br />
(278) DPs have a unique Case feature. <strong>Phi</strong>-Agree can value Case only if it occurs<br />
for all <strong>the</strong> phi-<strong>features</strong> <strong>of</strong> a DP.<br />
These technical proposals have as consequence that <strong>the</strong> PCC can be viewed as<br />
a failure <strong>of</strong> Case licensing. The repairs work by adding a Case licensing capacity.<br />
5.4.2 The interface algorithm ℜ<br />
In syntactic structures that meet Full Interpretation, each DP needs to have its<br />
[Case:] valued <strong>and</strong> deleted, <strong>and</strong> thus must be within <strong>the</strong> reach <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> phi-probe <strong>of</strong><br />
an Agree/Case locus. The inventory <strong>of</strong> Agree/Case loci appears to be parametrically<br />
fixed per linguistic system. In English, French, or Icel<strong>and</strong>ic finite clauses,<br />
<strong>the</strong>y are T, transitive v, <strong>and</strong> full P. Closely similar languages may add for instance<br />
<strong>the</strong> v <strong>of</strong> unaccusative psych-verbs in Faroese, <strong>of</strong> 'fate' unaccusatives in Icel<strong>and</strong>ic,<br />
<strong>and</strong> so on (e.g. Barnes 1986, Lavine <strong>and</strong> Freidin 2001, Sigurðsson 2009).<br />
PCC repairs indicate that not all Agree/Case licensing is fixed lexically. Accusative<br />
case surfaces in Finnish unaccusatives just to repair <strong>the</strong> PCC, likewise for<br />
ergative case <strong>and</strong> agreement in Basque <strong>and</strong> Chinook. A new Agree/Case relation<br />
appears when Case-licensing would fail, but in a 'conservative' way that respects<br />
<strong>the</strong> potential <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> repaired structure. This can be understood in terms <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Agree/Case potential <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> pre-repair structure. An unaccusative has <strong>the</strong> same potential<br />
loci as a transitive, v <strong>and</strong> T, with <strong>the</strong>ir interpretable Case <strong>features</strong>, for instance<br />
[Case:NOM] on T. However, only one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m is active in an unaccusative,<br />
TNOM or vABS, by having a phi-probe [phi:]. The repair activates <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r, vACC or<br />
TERG, through adding a phi-probe. It does so in PCC contexts, where a DP would<br />
o<strong>the</strong>rwise fail to have its uninterpretable [Case:] valued.<br />
This is a global mechanism where a structure is licensed by <strong>the</strong> failure <strong>of</strong> ano<strong>the</strong>r.<br />
A global mechanism specifies a set <strong>of</strong> structures or derivations, <strong>the</strong> reference<br />
set, <strong>and</strong> a metric that selects <strong>the</strong> winner (Reinhart 2006). For instance, for<br />
Minimize Structure in section 5.3, <strong>the</strong> reference set is <strong>the</strong> set <strong>of</strong> convergent functional<br />
architectures <strong>of</strong> a lexical item under a given interpretation, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> metric<br />
picks <strong>the</strong> smallest. The global principles <strong>of</strong> Chomsky (1995: chapter 4) depend on<br />
<strong>the</strong> concept <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> numeration (279) to define <strong>the</strong> reference set.<br />
licensing, <strong>the</strong> same probe values [Case:] both to <strong>the</strong> dative <strong>and</strong> to a lower DP. The [Case] <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
probe is interpretable <strong>and</strong> can be given multiple times (cf. notes 159, 140, 120). Agree with <strong>the</strong><br />
dative occurs for [person], with <strong>the</strong> lower DP for [number], <strong>and</strong> to both Case is assigned. Cf.<br />
Chomsky (2001: 17f., 2008: 142) for <strong>the</strong> configuration v[Case:ACC] … participle[Case:] … DP[Case:].<br />
An overt reflex might be multiple Case assignment stacking NOM/ACC on top <strong>of</strong> DAT, on<br />
which see Yoon (1996) (but cf. Schütze 2001).