Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

tive within the TP, the PCC disappears. (Nonagreement in (255)a is addressed below.)
119
163
(255) a. [CP Hverjumi mund-√i/*-umj [TP þá [ti virðast viðj vera hæfir]]]?
b. [CP Hverjumi mund-*i/√-umj [TP viðj þá [ti virðast tj vera hæfir]]]?
who.D would.3SG/1PL we.N then seem we.N be competent
To whom would we then seem to be competent?
(Icelandic, Sigurðsson and Holmberg 2008: 267)
This subsection has established the relevance of intervention in the Agree/Case
to the PCC. The PCC affects the [+person] goal of an Agree/Case locus if there is
a dative DP between them. It does not occur without an intervening DP, either off
the path, or embedded in a full PP, or by-passed by A-movement. We return below
to the effect that the PCC has: in French to bar clitics, in Basque and Icelandic
obligatorily agreeing absolutives and nominatives.
5.2.3 Agreement, Case, Licensing
The foregoing languages also reveal the relevance of the Agree/Case system itself
to the PCC. The domains of the Agree/Case systems explain which arguments
interact in the constraint (Albizu 1997a). The minimal transitive clause consists of
two Agree/Case domains, one below vACC/ABS, one between it and TNOM/ERG, while
unaccusatives have only one domain, that of TNOM or vABS, (291).
(291) Nominative-accusative Ergative-absolutive
a. TNOM EA vACC O b. TERG EA vABS O Transitive
c. TNOM v S d. T vABS S Unaccusative
(section 5.5)
Applicative datives interact with transitive objects and unaccusative subjects
for the PCC, for they are between them and vACC/ABS or TNOM. The external argument
does not interact with them, for it is in a higher domain separated from internal
arguments by vACC/ABS. Within each clausal domain, only DPs that need Caselicensing
are affected by the PCC: accusatives, absolutives, and nominatives, but
not arguments within full PPs that are autonomous of the clause. The invisibility
of full PPs has been illustrated for French genitives and locatives (sections 4.3,
4.5, 4.7). Icelandic (256) from Hrafnbjargarsson (2004) is another nice demonstration.
The verbs líka 'like', leiðast 'bore' allow two constructions, dative + nominative,
subject to the PCC, dative + PP or nominative + PP, unaffected by it.
(256) a. Ykkur líkar *ég / hún
119 I gloss over whether an A'-extracted dative passes through [Spec, TP] always, never, or only
when the nominative stays in-situ, and about the precise target and mechanism of the raising of
the nominative when the dative undergoes A'-extraction. Here it suffices that it bypass the trace
of a dative, as the adverb þá shows. See further Rezac (2008c: 89-91) and references there.