Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

135
These peoplei are going to be quite surprised. Ilse promised to send
themi an SMS during the show, but I made her.A CALL *them.D / *to
them during the séance.
b. Paul voulait faire une blague à Maï en l'appelant pendant le spectacle.
Mais on a trouvé plus drôle: je l'ai fait téléphoner à EUX pendant la
séance.
Paul wanted to play a joke on Maï by calling her during the show. But
we found a better joke still: I made her.A call to THEM during the séance.
[Pointing to the town councillors, accompanying Maï.] (focus control)
It is not agreed what the problem is in (212)/(213), and so what it is that the
PCC repair cannot fix. A part of it is that infinitives lack a cliticization site, but the
failure of clitic climbing into the matrix clause has proven more recalcitrant.
Kayne (1975: 4.3) analyzes it as the Specified Subject Condition, partly because
the accusative causee also creates a new binding domain (Kayne 1975: 3.9). However,
in Specified Subject Condition effects in transitives (174)-(175), the dative
causee blocks dative and adverbial cliticization unless it cliticizes. In the causatives
of unergatives, the accusative causee only blocks dative cliticization, (214),
and worse if it cliticizes, (212)f (Milner 1982: 354 note 1, Tasmowski 1985: 360;
Baschung and Desmets 2000: 216 report the reverse).
(214) Le directeur y/*leur a fait répondre Lucille.
the director LOC/*them.DAT has made answer Lucille
The director made Lucille answer to it/*them.
(Postal 1984: 141; cf. Kayne 1975: 301, 306)
These differences have given the impetus to alternatives, through syntax
(Postal 1984, Goodall 1987, and others reviewed in Tasmowski 1985), thematic
meaning (Rooryck 1988b), and pragmatics (Tasmowski 1985, Miller 1992: 5.5). A
key piece of evidence has been unaccusatives, (215). They also causativize with
accusative causees, but do not block dative cliticization (Kayne 1975: 4.6,
Blanche-Benveniste et al. 1984: 201, Tasmowski 1985, Rooryck 1988b; cf. note
108). The subject of unaccusatives originates in the object position. If it stayed
there in causatives, it would not count as a Specified Subject (Burzio 1986: 4.5;
and inversely, Postal 1984). However, Tasmowski (1985: 356-360) discovers that
in certain contexts even unergatives permit dative cliticization, as in (216) which
puts narrow focus on the accusative causee Marie. 96
96 The causativization of unaccusatives is more complex than suggested here. Beside (215), some
applicative datives are also fine, Elle lui a fait couler de la crème dessus/sur le visage 'She made
cream run on him.D / on his.D face' (Kayne 1975: 319f.), but experiencer datives are more recalcitrant,
e.g. manquer 'lack', (dé)plaire '(dis)please', suffir 'suffice', sembler 'seem' (Postal 1984:
115f., 1989: 37f., Rooryck 1988b, Legendre 1989a: 771, 1989b: 143-7), as are unaccusatives
with animate subjects and low datives, appartenir 'belong', échapper 'escape', naître 'be born',