Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

5.2.2 Intervention
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In the Agree/Case approach, the PCC occurs when a DP lies 'on the path' between
an argument and its Agree/Case locus T/v, (247)a and (247)b, not off it
(247)c, or in a constituent that is on it but that embeds the DP too deeply to be
visible to the clause, (247)d.
(247) a. applicative dat.: T … v … [DP(.DAT) … [DP1/2/*3 … ]]
b. clitic dat.: DAT+T … v … tDAT … [DP1/2/*3 … (?tDAT) ]]
c. prepositional dat.: T … v … [DP1/2/3 … [DP.DAT]]
d. PP nonintervener: T … v … [(PPfull) … [DP1/2/3 … (PPfull) ]]
Each of these scenarios is found in French and they have been resumed in section
4.7. The contrast between elements on and off the path differentiates applicative
and prepositional datives. Applicative datives c-command direct objects,
prepositional datives do not (across various theories, Baker 1988, Ormazabal and
Romero forthc; Den Dikken 1995b, 2006; McGinnis 1998, Pylkkänen 2002,
Cuervo 2003, Anagnostopoulou 2003). In French, all datives are PPs that are defective
in various ways. Among them is the inability to license pronouns, and
transparency of the PP shell to permit the DP within to relate to the clause for purposes
such as floating quantifier, anaphoric, and applicative relations. When defective
PPs are above the direct object, they create the PCC, (247)a, (247)b, but
not otherwise, (247)c. In languages like English or Ojibwa, applicative objects are
bare DPs, not PPs at all. DPs participate in the Agree/Case system fully and prevent
it from reaching the direct object entirely, for [+person] as well as for any
other relationship. On the opposite end of the scale are full PPs like French locatives.
They are complete domains of Agree/Case and other systems, isolating the
DP within from the various relations mentioned, including the PCC, (247)d. The
French PCC repair extraordinarily turns a dative defective PP into a full locativelike
one, as in (118). Thereby it eliminates the PCC, confers the capacity to license
pronouns, and prevents applicative relationships like possessor in (246). In sections
5.4 and 5.7 the defective-full PP distinction is developed in terms of their
phasehood.
Other languages present a situation closely analogous to French, including
Spanish (Bonet 1991, Albizu 1997b) and Basque (Albizu 1997b, Rezac 2009). 115
115 Spanish reflects the applicative-prepositional dative split through cliticization or cliticdoubling
of all and only applicative datives (Cuervo 2003ab). Among nonpronominal datives, in
PCC contexts only undoubled indirect objects are possible, as prepositional datives (Albizu
1997b). Pronominal accusatives and datives must ordinarily cliticize or, if focussed, be cliticdoubled
strong pronouns. Under the PCC repair uniquely unfocussed nondoubled pronouns
emerge, as in French (Bonet 1994: 43), while other clitic problems cannot be repaired in this
fashion (Bonet 1991: 201-4). A significant difference with French emerges in which pronoun is
targeted by this repair: the dative pronoun ordinarily, and for some speakers always as in French
(Albizu 1997b), but for others either dative or accusative if both are 1 st /2 nd person (Bonet 1991:
203) (cf. Simpson 1983: 193f. for Warlpiri). The reasons plausibly lie in another difference with