Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

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The adessive raises to [Spec, TP] to become the oblique subject (diagnosed by
binding the subject-oriented possessive suffix as shown). The possessum stays insitu
as a nonagreeing nominative. In contrast, (322)b predicates a nominative subject
of a low adessive of accompaniment or temporary possession.
(322) a. Liisa-llai oli Mattij poika-ystävä-nä ol-le-ssa-ani/*j Ruotsi-ssa.
Lisa-ADS was M.N boy-friend-as be-INF-INS-her Sweden-INS
Liisa had Matti.N as a boyfriend when she was in Sweden.
b. Mattii oli Liisa-llaj poika-ystävä-nä ol-le-ssa-ani/*j Ruotsissa.
M.N was Liisa-ALL boy-friend-ESS be-INF-INS-her Sweden-INS
He was with Liisa as a boyfriend when she was in Sweden.
(Finnish, Kiparsky 2001: 355, adapted)
The adessive possessor in [Spec, TP] may be analyzed as an applicative object,
like possessor datives elsewhere, (323). Across it, T establishes a nominative
relation with, and only with, DPs that are not [+person], albeit without overt number
agreement, (324). In Finnish [+person] includes 1 st /2 nd as well as 3 rd person
human pronouns, leaving out 3 rd person default pronouns. 155 The restriction
against [+person] nominatives in this configuration parallels the PCC in Icelandic
dative-subject constructions (253); some Icelandic varieties lack number agreement
with 3PL nominatives like Finnish (Sigurðsson and Holmberg 2008). Yet
unlike in Icelandic, [+person] pronouns are not barred. They appear as accusatives
in (324). 156
(323) [TP ADSi TNOM … [v(ACC) … [ti … [… NOM/ACC]]]]
(324) Minu-llai on ti Matti(*-n) / avaime-t / se(*-n) / *sinä / sin-ut.
me-ADS is Matti.N(*-A) keys-PL.N/A it.N(*-A) you.N you-A
I have Matti/the keys/it/you.
(Finnish)
This is a repair of the PCC by emergence of the accusative. It falls under ℜ as
the activation of the potential Agree/Case locus v of unaccusatives to vACC. The resulting
structure is independently expected to evade the PCC. Among strong pronouns,
the PCC affects only potentially agreeing ones, including the nominatives
155 This is a common locus of variation in [+person], discussed in chapter 6. It is suggested there
that [+person] specification is cued by the morphology. Finnish 1 st /2 nd and 3 rd human pronouns
have distinctive morphological parallelisms: cf. 1 st person – 3 rd human – 3 rd nonhuman NOM.SG
minä – hän – se, ACC.SG min-ut – hän-et – se-n, NOM/ACC.PL me-idät – he-idät – ne. (Kuka
'who' behaves as a [+person] pronoun if bare but as noun/adjective if modified.) The 3 rd person
default pronouns are used for nonhumans, as well as for humans in various contexts.
156 It is possible to A'-front a PP over an agreeing nominative subject to give the informationally
marked Huoneessa olet sinä 'In.the.room are.2SG you.NOM'; thus from (322)b of accompaniment
or temporary possession Minulla olet sinä 'I have you (with me)', in contrast to plain possession
Minulla on sinut 'I have you'. See Hakulinen and Karlsson (1975: 4.2), Itkonen (1974:
385f.), Toivainen (1993: 121), Sands and Campbell (2001: 293).