Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS
Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS
Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS
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4.5.2 Possessive, dessus, <strong>and</strong> benefactive datives<br />
111<br />
Among applicative datives in French are possessors, dessus-datives, benefactives,<br />
experiencers, <strong>and</strong> causees. Possessor <strong>and</strong> dessus-datives pattern similarly<br />
(Kayne 1975: 2.12, 2.14). Like possessors in (163), dessus-datives cannot be àphrases<br />
<strong>and</strong> have no PCC repair. Kayne (1975: 2.15) shows that <strong>the</strong>y are applicative<br />
datives; <strong>the</strong> preposition takes a pro complement that <strong>the</strong> dative binds. 75<br />
(165) Elle le/*me leuri a (tous) jeté dessus proi.<br />
*Elle m' a jeté dessus (*à) *eux / *Jean.<br />
she him/me.A <strong>the</strong>m.D has all thrown onto to <strong>the</strong>m Jean<br />
She threw {him/*me on <strong>the</strong>m} / {*him/*me on Jean}.<br />
(dessus-dative)<br />
Benefactive datives are applicative on comparative grounds (e.g. Cuervo<br />
2003a: 194ff. for Spanish). In French <strong>the</strong>y are <strong>of</strong>ten restricted to clitics, as in (166)<br />
(Blanche-Benveniste 1975: 99, Rouveret <strong>and</strong> Vergnaud 1980: 170, Leclère 1976).<br />
(166) a. On le/*me lui a dévalisé / écrasé<br />
b. *On l'/m' a dévalisé / écrasé à Jean / lui<br />
one him/me.A him.D has robbed / crushed to Jean / him<br />
They robbed him/*me on him/*Jean.<br />
(benefactive)<br />
However, <strong>the</strong>re are apparent benefactive à-phrases. In (167), <strong>the</strong> verb achèter<br />
takes an optional indirect object with a source 'from' interpretation, or a benefactive<br />
dative with a 'for' interpretation. Both can be realized as dative clitics or àphrases,<br />
(167)a, although speakers vary on <strong>the</strong> benefactive reading for focussed<br />
strong pronouns, (167)c. Both readings are ruled out as dative clitics in <strong>the</strong> PCC<br />
context, (167)b. Under <strong>the</strong> PCC repair in (167)b, only <strong>the</strong> indirect object source<br />
reading remains for à + unfocussed strong pronoun, for all speakers consulted.<br />
(167) a. <strong>Phi</strong>lippe vous achètera à ce colon.<br />
<strong>Phi</strong>lippe will buy you.A (vous) for/from this colonist (à ce colon).<br />
b. <strong>Phi</strong>lippe vous (*lui) achètera (à lui).<br />
<strong>Phi</strong>lippe will buy you.A (from/*for him (à lui)).<br />
c. J'ai acheté cela à Jacques/LUI et pas à Louise.<br />
I bought this {from Jacques/HIM} / {for Jacques/ % HIM} <strong>and</strong> not L.<br />
(Postal 1990: 131f., 153, with only *for HIM in (c))<br />
75 Possessors <strong>of</strong> direct objects can be à-phrases as well as clitics (Kayne 1975: 2.14-5, Rouveret<br />
<strong>and</strong> Vergnaud 1980: 176 note 52, Rooryck 1988a: 383), as can rarely some o<strong>the</strong>rs (Kayne 1975:<br />
175 note 126, 159 note 106, 170 note 121, Postal 1990: 141). Perhaps such à-phrases are 'low'<br />
applicatives that need <strong>the</strong> direct object (Baker 1988, McGinnis 2001, Pylkkänen 2002, Cuervo<br />
2003a). The PCC cannot be tested for <strong>the</strong>m since a clitic direct object cannot have a possessor.<br />
The name dessus-datives is due to Postal (1990).
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