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Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

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217<br />

with cliticization alone. This is a difference that permits separating <strong>the</strong>m from <strong>the</strong><br />

PCC. The PCC groups with o<strong>the</strong>r problems <strong>of</strong> Agree/Case licensing, <strong>and</strong> thus with<br />

o<strong>the</strong>r activations <strong>of</strong> Agree/Case loci to meet Full Interpretation. The cliticization<br />

problems are purely a failure to meet <strong>the</strong> Σ-deficiency <strong>of</strong> clitics, a morphophonological<br />

problem at PF along <strong>the</strong> lines sketched above.<br />

In coordinations, modifications, DPs, modifier APs, <strong>and</strong> causatives <strong>of</strong> unergatives,<br />

dative pronouns have no cliticization site, yet <strong>the</strong>y cannot cliticize higher<br />

because <strong>of</strong> isl<strong>and</strong>hood. Let us start with coordinations <strong>and</strong> modifications in (335).<br />

Their interior does not <strong>of</strong>fer a cliticization host to satisfy Σ-deficiency, but <strong>the</strong>y<br />

are also strong isl<strong>and</strong>s. All o<strong>the</strong>r requirements are satisfactorily met in <strong>the</strong>m, for<br />

instance Case, as seen by replacing <strong>the</strong> pronoun with a demonstrative. 162<br />

(335) a. *Elle vous parle.<br />

??Elle parle à vous autres.<br />

she you.D speaks to youstrong o<strong>the</strong>rs<br />

b. Elle parle à ces autres<br />

she speaks to <strong>the</strong>se o<strong>the</strong>rs<br />

(French, section 4.6)<br />

Dative complements <strong>of</strong> nouns <strong>and</strong> adjectival <strong>and</strong> participial modifiers are<br />

sketched in (336). These structures <strong>of</strong>fer no cliticization site <strong>and</strong> are isl<strong>and</strong>s for<br />

cliticization or o<strong>the</strong>r movement. That no o<strong>the</strong>r problems arise in <strong>the</strong>m is suggested<br />

by Belgian French, which permits dative clitics in past participle modifiers, une<br />

lettre [vous addressée] 'a letter [you.D addressed]' (section 6.6). O<strong>the</strong>r French varieties<br />

seem to simply not <strong>of</strong>fer a cliticization site. Its absence is a relatively superficial<br />

parameter differentiating closely related systems.<br />

(336) une fille [(*vous) reconnaissant (à Marie / *vous)]<br />

a girl [(*her.D) grateful (to Marie / * youstrong)]<br />

(French, section 4.6)<br />

Causatives <strong>of</strong> unergatives in (337) may be analyzed similarly. The 'restructuring'<br />

causative lacks a cliticization site within <strong>the</strong> infinitive, perhaps again with<br />

variation across French (<strong>the</strong> 'mixed' causative' mentioned in section 4.5). An argument<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> infinitive can only cliticize in <strong>the</strong> matrix clause. However, <strong>the</strong> accusative<br />

causee <strong>of</strong> an unergative intervenes to block cliticization in (337). 163<br />

162 It may be that modification <strong>and</strong> coordination structures are creatd at Transfer by adjunction <strong>of</strong><br />

independently convergent phases (Chomsky 2004). The attempt to adjoin <strong>the</strong> two convergent<br />

phases Elle vous parle 'I you.A see' <strong>and</strong> belle et souriante 'beautiful <strong>and</strong> smiling' <strong>the</strong>n cannot attach<br />

<strong>the</strong> modifier to <strong>the</strong> clitic vous; perhaps <strong>the</strong> result <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> attempt is apposition, Elle vous<br />

parle, belle et souriante. (The modifier autres is not a good c<strong>and</strong>idate for this since it needs a D;<br />

its structure may ra<strong>the</strong>r be [this/youD o<strong>the</strong>rsN], which continues to make <strong>the</strong> point in <strong>the</strong> text.)<br />

163 The causative may illustrate an independent point about ℜ. Suppose that <strong>the</strong> infinitive InfP <strong>of</strong><br />

this type <strong>of</strong> causative is a phase (Bobaljik <strong>and</strong> Branigan 2006). Cliticization out <strong>of</strong> it must <strong>the</strong>n<br />

proceed through <strong>the</strong> edge <strong>of</strong> InfP in (337). Once <strong>the</strong> edge is built, InfP transfers, <strong>and</strong> it along with<br />

its edge is embedded in <strong>the</strong> matrix phase. At this point <strong>the</strong> clitic proceeds into <strong>the</strong> matrix clause,

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