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Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

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74<br />

an inverse morpheme on <strong>the</strong> verb. 3EA→3O combinations can be direct or inverse<br />

<strong>and</strong> are not fur<strong>the</strong>r pertinent here. The status <strong>of</strong> 1/2EA→2/1O as direct or inverse<br />

varies by language, <strong>and</strong> will prove crucial. 45<br />

(100) a. Person Hierarchy: 1/2 > 3<br />

(i) 1↔2: inverse in Arizona Tewa, direct in Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Tiwa, Picurís.<br />

(ii) 3↔3: direct or inverse.<br />

b. Direct: EA <strong>and</strong> O unmarked for case (bare), EA <strong>and</strong> O agreement.<br />

c. Inverse: EA oblique, O primary agreement controller.<br />

(i) Arizona Tewa: oblique EA agrees, more poorly than in direct.<br />

(ii) Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Tiwa, Picurís: oblique nonagreeing EA; inverse verb affix.<br />

Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Tiwa shows clearly <strong>the</strong> passive-like quality <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> inverse. In direct<br />

1/2EA→3O, (101), as well as 1/2EA→2/1O, (102), <strong>the</strong> EA <strong>and</strong> O must be bare DPs<br />

<strong>and</strong> control agreement. In inverse 3EA→1/2O (103), <strong>the</strong> EA must appear in a PP (or<br />

oblique) glossed INSTR (-ba), fails to agree like o<strong>the</strong>r PPs, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> verb bears <strong>the</strong><br />

inverse morpheme glossed PASS (-che). (The gloss A refers to <strong>the</strong> morphological<br />

class <strong>of</strong> 'child' that is a mixture <strong>of</strong> number <strong>and</strong> animacy.)<br />

(101) a. Ti-mu-ban 'uide [direct context 1→3]<br />

1SGi→Aj-see-PAST child(A)<br />

Ii saw <strong>the</strong> childj.<br />

b. *'Uidej ∅j-mu-che-ban nai-ba<br />

child(A) A-see-PASS-PAST 1-INSTR<br />

(Allen & al. 1990: 333)<br />

(102) a. I-mu-ban [direct context 1→2]<br />

1SGi→2SGj-see-PAST<br />

Ii saw youj.<br />

b. *aj-mu-che-ban nai-ba<br />

2SG-see-PASS-PAST 1-INSTR<br />

(Alen <strong>and</strong> Frantz 1983: 304f.)<br />

(103) a. seuanide-ba te-mu-che-ban [inverse context 1→3]<br />

man-INSTR 1SGi-see-PASS-PAST<br />

The man saw mei (I was seen by <strong>the</strong> man).<br />

45 3→3 combinations might reflect direct 3.PROXEA→3.OBVO vs. inverse 3.OBVEA→3.PROXO,<br />

as in Arnold (1994) for Mapudungun (cf. Kroskrity 1985: 315f.). Applicative constructions<br />

might shed more light on this. They treat <strong>the</strong> applicative object IO like <strong>the</strong> direct object <strong>of</strong> plain<br />

transitives (Allen <strong>and</strong> Frantz 1983: 308, Allen et al. 1990: 347). However, while 3EA→3O combinations<br />

can be direct or inverse <strong>and</strong> 1/2EA→XIO→3O are direct, 3EA→3IO→3O can only be inverse<br />

in Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Tiwa (Rosen 1990: 2.3). This is consonant with person-like properties <strong>of</strong> even 3 rd<br />

person applicative objects discussed in section 5.2. (The IO prevents O from being 1 st /2 nd person<br />

in Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Tiwa <strong>and</strong> Algonquian by <strong>the</strong> Person Case Constraint <strong>of</strong> chapter 5, even when it is 3 rd<br />

person <strong>and</strong> loses <strong>the</strong> PH-interaction to a 1 st /2 nd person EA; see Béjar <strong>and</strong> Rezac 2009: 46 note 6<br />

for one approach, as well as Albizu 1997b, Lochbihler 2008, Boeckx 2008b.).

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