Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

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Title: Phi-features and the Modular
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4.6.3 Arbitrary clitic cluster gaps
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Conventions and glosses Cross-refer
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Preface This work uses phi-features
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1 Modularity, phi-features, and rep
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(4) a. Irati-rii nesk-ak/*ekk gusta
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Lyer illusion, a line terminating i
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Lexicon This simple model may be en
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(12) As far as Johni is concerned,
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(18) a. *(Some goatsi) seemi/*seems
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Uninterpretable phenomena should no
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d. There were shown (*her) to be fi
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able features, and ultimately expli
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1997, Yang 1997, Jacobson 1997, Fra
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Syntax: syntactic but not properly
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(44) Morphology-free syntax: Syntax
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(Distributed Morphology) (49) a. Sy
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In Aronoff's example, it may be eas
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(53) v dolea/zákonub/kolec/máled/
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a. 3SG/PL.DAT le/les + 3SGM/3SGF/3P
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(62) a. Elle*x∈i lai/∅i lui a d
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Morphology might also need devices
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agreement exponent maps to another
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singular or 1 st /2 nd person plura
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frire 'fry' (e.g. 1PL *frions vs. r
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domains. The well-studied English c
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not cross this distance, just as in
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There are more robust cases of appa
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ecause then there is no crossing of
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(85) a. n-waabm-aa b. n-waabm-ig c.
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2- go.home go.home 2SG.SU he goes h
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sion is that EA and O PH-interactio
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(92) a. [DP Johni 'sD° [IP PROi no
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uci-maceha-t [mesq mace-ntu]]. from
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see her, PRO to see her, your/you s
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)movement (Nichols 2001, cf. chapte
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distribution of inverse morphemes i
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. No direct-like version with 3EA
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suppose that its oblique EA does no
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fact. Thus the oblique-like EA of i
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movement through probes for individ
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digm (114) reveals the exception to
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Lucille her/you.A them.D/LOC will.i
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structures that only occur in conte
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1PL nous no-tre/s nous, on nous 2PL
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(126) a. Il lesi (lui) a dit-esi. H
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(130) a. Je connais cette fillei. J
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cliticization may take place, as fu
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(134) a. Pourquoi est-ce que Jean p
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(137) a. [Film synopsis:] L'étrang
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101 seen in section 4.5. Thus the P
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103 To sum up this section, the PCC
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Dative clitics continue to license
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107 These possibilities can be cont
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4.4.6 Overview 109 The syntax and i
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4.5.2 Possessive, dessus, and benef
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c. Azenor les laisse être mangés
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115 Pierre will.make SE.D buy a wat
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117 arise through the intervention
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119 The causee of the connaître-cl
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121 The syntactic character of the
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123 Paul seems to her to be unpleas
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125 *sans se leur en prendre. sans
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127 a. aux agriculteurs de vos rég
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4.6.5 Datives in DPs and APs 129 Th
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131 c. L'infinitifi […] a été t
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133 (210) a. Elle photographiait *v
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135 These peoplei are going to be q
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137 1/2.ACC DAT clusters. Thus, the
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139 tic doubling allows unfocussed
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141 This view of the PCC repair ori
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143 of French unfocussed pronouns.
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145 the possessum (section 4.5). Al
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147 When such adjectives are embedd
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legitimate in ECM but not elsewhere
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151 These are very tentative sugges
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5 Repairs and uninterpretable featu
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155 terpretation, not problems that
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157 (241) Person Case Constraint (A
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5.2.2 Intervention 159 In the Agree
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161 (Etxepare and Oyharçabal 2008a
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tive within the TP, the PCC disappe
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165 you.ABS visit-ing liking R.3sAi
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167 - It is unclear whether dative
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169 PCC are tied up with this issue
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5.3.2 The choice of mechanisms The
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(264) [DATapplicative [v+P[+person:
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175 some structure always wins the
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177 distinct from syntax and from e
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179 These observations do not mean
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may also lead to the (re-)Merge of
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183 (279) Numeration: The numeratio
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185 they lead to ineffability. Vari
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187 distinction between valued unin
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189 she believed to.have been bough
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girls-ERG tired R.3pA-that seem R.3
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193 To integrate dependent Case, di
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195 depends on what other probes ex
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197 b. She vacc+showed (*the studen
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199 The structures of interest for
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201 (Basque, Tolosa T1, Rezac 2008c
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203 (313) (i-kalai) ga-či-łj-(a)
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205 with it (Rezac 2006: 3.7, 2008b
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207 agreement (Holmberg 2005, Holmb
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209 of Icelandic and Finnish, not n
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211 (329) Minu-ni täyty-y ti men-n
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stead in Table 5.3. The dative inte
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215 This application of ℜ has som
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217 with cliticization alone. This
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219 serve in the applicative constr
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221 way. IOs must normally be appli
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223 The facility of modeling both r
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y ℜ in the same way as that of PP
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227 of the target, goal, and the pa
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229 tives, the relationship of EA-O
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231 Pesetsky and Torrego forthc, Wi
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233 For an important class of synta
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235 The conditions on these depende
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6 Phi in syntax and phi interpretat
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239 predicate-argument relations, d
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speaker/addressee because the more
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243 The second point illustrated by
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245 The quasi-existential on in (37
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247 Everywhere onei (on) presents o
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249 *[Marie and I] found.3PL themse
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251 to Agree by locality, if it wer
Page 253 and 254: - Albizu (1997b, cf. 1997a): A pers
Page 255 and 256: 255 of 3 rd person. This is so even
Page 257 and 258: 257 of diachrony and grammaticaliza
Page 259 and 260: 259 tain configurations like (385),
Page 261 and 262: person 'impostors' for the speaker/
Page 263 and 264: 263 like invite, which do not. The
Page 265 and 266: 265 sions and eliminations of a mor
Page 267 and 268: 267 featural relationships in synta
Page 269 and 270: 269 Carruthers, Peter, Stephen Laur
Page 271 and 272: 271 Moravcsik, Edith A. 1978. Agree
Page 273 and 274: 7.2 Chapter 2 273 Ackema, Peter, an
Page 275 and 276: 275 De Crousaz, Isabelle, and Ur Sh
Page 277 and 278: 277 Luís, Ana R., and Andrew Spenc
Page 279 and 280: 279 Szendrői, Kriszta. 2005. Focus
Page 281 and 282: 281 Bobaljik, Jonathan David, and P
Page 283 and 284: 283 Rosen, Carol. 1990. Rethinking
Page 285 and 286: 285 Bianchi, Valentina. 1999. Conse
Page 287 and 288: 287 Fauconnier, Gilles. 1983. Gener
Page 289 and 290: 289 Legendre, Geraldine. 1989a. Inv
Page 291 and 292: 291 Rezac, Milan. 2010a. Ineffabili
Page 293 and 294: 7.5 Chapter 5 293 Abels, Klaus. 200
Page 295 and 296: 295 Bobaljik, Jonathan David, and P
Page 297 and 298: 297 Den Dikken, Marcel. 2001. 'Plur
Page 299 and 300: 299 Holmberg, Anders, and Christer
Page 301 and 302: 301 McCreight, Katherine. 1988. Mul
Page 303: 303 Rezac, Milan. 2008c. The syntax
Page 307 and 308: 307 Cabredo Hofherr, Patricia. 2003
Page 309 and 310: 309 Landau, Idan. 2000. Elements of
Page 311: 311 Sigurðsson, Halldór Ármann.
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