Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

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However, transitives already have an accusative object, so their causee is
dative. This causee dative appears to be an inherent Case, like other datives:
where the restructuring causative can be passivized, it is the accusative
direct object that becomes nominative, while the causee remains dative
(Burzio 1986: 258, 232, Santorini and Heycock 1988: 5.1, 5.4). The
coding of the internal arguments of the infinitive is unaffected. 78
– The foregoing Case-domains correlate with domains for clitic climbing
and binding, (136). The causee must always cliticize upstairs. In the ECM
causative, the internal arguments of the infinitive cliticize downstairs. In
the restructuring causative, they must cliticize upstairs, in a single cluster
with the causee. The direct object of the infinitive can be coreferential with
the causer if it stays downstairs, in ECM, but not upstairs, in restructuring.
(172) a. Maii la*i laissera lai dessiner. (ECM causative)
Mai them.A will.let her.A draw.
b. Maii la*i lui*i fera dessiner. (restructuring causative)
Mai her.A them.D will.make draw.
Mai will make her draw her.
(cf. de Kok 1985: 598 note 2, Morin 1978: 358f.)
– In both causatives, the causee c-commands the direct object. This is patent
for the ECM causative where the two are in different clause-like domains,
as in (172)a. In the restructuring causative, evidence comes from effects
attributed to the Specified Subject Condition (Kayne 1975: 3.5, 3.9, 4.2-3,
Rouveret and Vergnaud 1980, Zubizarreta 1985, Jones 1996: 9.3-4). The
dative causee acts as the antecedent for reflexive se and inalienably possessed
nouns in (173), along with other anaphora and secondary predicates;
it intervenes in anaphora binding by the causer; and it blocks
cliticization of lower locatives, genitives, and datives, unless itself
cliticized, as shown in (174) and (175). These effects require c-command
by the DP of the dative into the clause. The examples also show that the
par 'by'-phrase agent of causativized passives has none of these properties.
It is a richer PP that prevents its DP from c-commanding into the clause,
discussed at the end of this section.
(173) a. Pierre fera s' acheter une montre à/*par Marie.
78 The French restructuring causative cannot passivize, least of all with an overt à-causee, so the
argument have been made from the similar Italian restructuring causative. There the direct object
becomes nominative, in minimal contrast is Japanese where the dative causees does. See Folli
and Harley (2007: section 7) for a counter-analysis claiming that passives of restructuring causatives
are unavailable in Italian as well, and their work and Bobaljik and Branigan (2006) for a
structural Case analysis of dative causees. For other applicative datives, passivization clearly
shows them never to become nominative.