Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

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(Etxepare and Oyharçabal 2008ab, Etxepare 2010, cf. Albizu 2001). The PCC repair
occurs invisibly in Eastern Basque, because it creates nonagreeing datives that
already exist. Along with its nonagreeing datives generally, the nonagreeing datives
of the repair cannot serve in applicative functions, (249), (250). 117
Through Basque the scope of the PCC can be expanded to include unaccusatives
(Albizu 1997ab, 2009, Rezac 2008c, 2009, forthc). Unaccusatives with
purely applicative datives do not permit 1 st /2 nd person absolutive subjects, (251).
Among such applicative datives are experiencers of psych-verbs like gustatu 'like',
possessors, and datives of interest, but not indirect objects that can appear in the
prepositional construction, such as the goal-of-motion of hurbildu 'approach'.
(251) a. Miren-ij hurbiltzen / gustatzen zai-zkii-oj / *di-oj-te
Miren-D coming / liking R.3pAi.3sDj / R.3sDi.3pE
They are approaching Miren / Miren likes them.
b. Miren-ij hurbiltzen / ?*gustatzen ni-atzai-oj.
Miren-D approaching / liking R.1sAi.3sDj
I am approaching Miren / ?*Miren likes me.
(Eastern/Western Basque)
This difference for the PCC between the applicative construction above the
absolutive and the prepositional one below it is as in transitives. Unaccusatives
differ from transitives in one important respect. They allow datives in the prepositional
construction to agree, while in transitives they do not exist in Western
Basque, and do not agree in Eastern Basque. Both the datives in (251) show the
same case and agreement, although c-command diagnostics identify one as applicative
and one as prepositional. The reasons for the difference are unknown. However,
they have for consequence that in (251) the PCC differentiates between
structures with otherwise identical case and agreement morphology, distinct only
in their syntax. The same will be seen in Chinook (section 5.6). There is naturally
no analogue of the PCC repair in (248)b. Applicative-only datives like experiencers
cannot stand in full PPs, and prepositional datives do not create the PCC. 118
In Basque then, the PCC arises with applicative but not prepositional datives, in
both transitives and unaccusatives. This symmetry is unsurprising if the PCC is related
to the Agree/Case system, since in ergative-absolutive languages the transitive
object and the unaccusative subject participate in the same Agree/Case rela-
117 In French datives in the prepositional construction are still defective PPs, unable to host pronouns,
in contrast to locative ones in the same position that are full PPs. In Eastern Basque the
matter remains to be investigated, but a dialectal difference in the binding of emphatic anaphora
suggests that dialects may differ on this (Albizu 2001): full PPs in Rebuschi's (1995) variété restreinte,
defective ones in his variété élargie.
118 For prepositional datives in unaccusatives, Eastern Basque can omit agreement as in transitives;
in Western Basque the facts are unclear and interact with a tendency to replace them by
full PPs like allatives. For theories of agreeing prepositional datives, which are thereby automatically
immune to the PCC like French locative clitics, see Baker (1996: 9.3.2), and Rezac (2008a,
2009, forthc) building on O'Herin (2000, 2001).