Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS
Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS
Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS
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<strong>of</strong> 3 rd person. This is so even if inherent clitics do reflect contentful arguments (incorporated<br />
ones, Espinal 2007). Indeed, <strong>the</strong>re are locutions with inherent se that is<br />
not [+person] <strong>and</strong> does not trigger <strong>the</strong> PCC, rarely in French, more commonly in<br />
Catalan <strong>and</strong> Spanish (section 4.3; Bonet 1991: 193, Albizu 1997a). For <strong>the</strong> most<br />
part, <strong>the</strong> syntax <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> PCC <strong>and</strong> its repair does see on inherent se a [+person]<br />
specification with no interpretive counterpart.<br />
Crosslinguistic variation in <strong>the</strong> PCC indicates that syntactic <strong>and</strong> interpretive<br />
[+person] specifications may also be divorced when <strong>the</strong>y are interpretable but unnecessary.<br />
In French (390), a 3 rd person pronoun is used in a stylistically marked<br />
way to refer to <strong>the</strong> addressee, similar to 'impostors' like Madame. Such a 3 rd person<br />
accusative clitic is not [+person] for <strong>the</strong> PCC, except when reflexive like all<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r reflexives. In (390) la freely combines with a dative clitic <strong>and</strong> does not license<br />
its replacement by a strong pronoun, unlike <strong>the</strong> reflexive se.<br />
(390) a. Alors, elle prend la tarte?<br />
So, will sheaddressee (elle) take <strong>the</strong> cake?<br />
(cf. So, will Madam/<strong>the</strong> young lady take <strong>the</strong> cake?)<br />
b. Alors, je la leur présente?<br />
*Alors, je la présente à eux?<br />
So, shall I introduce heraddressee (la) to <strong>the</strong>m (leur clitic / *à eux strong).<br />
c. *Alors, elle se leur présente?<br />
Alors, elle se présente à eux?<br />
So, will sheaddressee introduce herself (se) to <strong>the</strong>m (*leur / *à eux)?<br />
(French)<br />
Spanish has gone much far<strong>the</strong>r in grammaticalizing 3 rd person pronouns for polite<br />
reference to <strong>the</strong> addressee. Correspondingly, in this use its 3 rd person clitics<br />
are prevented from combining with dative clitics by <strong>the</strong> PCC, as <strong>the</strong> translations <strong>of</strong><br />
la in (389) indicate. The difference with French is <strong>the</strong> grammaticalization <strong>of</strong> 3 rd<br />
person for <strong>the</strong> addressee, <strong>and</strong> thus <strong>of</strong> interpretatively facultative [+person].<br />
(391) a. La presentaré a los estudiantes<br />
her.ACC I.will.introduce to <strong>the</strong> students<br />
I will introduce her/you (polite) to <strong>the</strong> students.<br />
b. Sei la presentaré (a los estudiantesi)<br />
SE (= 3PL.DAT) her.ACC I.will.introduce to <strong>the</strong> students<br />
I will introduce her/*you (polite) to <strong>the</strong>m (to <strong>the</strong> students).<br />
(Spanish non-leísmo system, cf. (392))<br />
Particularly common variation in facultative [+person] specification is found<br />
for 3 rd person pronouns referring to animates/humans. Some Spanish varieties do<br />
not morphologically distinguish animacy in 3 rd person clitics, 3SGF/PLM lo/los,<br />
3SGF/PLF la/las). Their 3 rd person clitics are not affected by <strong>the</strong> PCC even if referring<br />
to animates, as in French, perhaps with dialectal variation (Ormazabal <strong>and</strong><br />
Romero 2009). O<strong>the</strong>rs varieties have developed a distinct series <strong>of</strong> animate 3 rd<br />
person accusatives, particularly for 3SGM animate le vs. inanimate lo, a phe-