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Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

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255<br />

<strong>of</strong> 3 rd person. This is so even if inherent clitics do reflect contentful arguments (incorporated<br />

ones, Espinal 2007). Indeed, <strong>the</strong>re are locutions with inherent se that is<br />

not [+person] <strong>and</strong> does not trigger <strong>the</strong> PCC, rarely in French, more commonly in<br />

Catalan <strong>and</strong> Spanish (section 4.3; Bonet 1991: 193, Albizu 1997a). For <strong>the</strong> most<br />

part, <strong>the</strong> syntax <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> PCC <strong>and</strong> its repair does see on inherent se a [+person]<br />

specification with no interpretive counterpart.<br />

Crosslinguistic variation in <strong>the</strong> PCC indicates that syntactic <strong>and</strong> interpretive<br />

[+person] specifications may also be divorced when <strong>the</strong>y are interpretable but unnecessary.<br />

In French (390), a 3 rd person pronoun is used in a stylistically marked<br />

way to refer to <strong>the</strong> addressee, similar to 'impostors' like Madame. Such a 3 rd person<br />

accusative clitic is not [+person] for <strong>the</strong> PCC, except when reflexive like all<br />

o<strong>the</strong>r reflexives. In (390) la freely combines with a dative clitic <strong>and</strong> does not license<br />

its replacement by a strong pronoun, unlike <strong>the</strong> reflexive se.<br />

(390) a. Alors, elle prend la tarte?<br />

So, will sheaddressee (elle) take <strong>the</strong> cake?<br />

(cf. So, will Madam/<strong>the</strong> young lady take <strong>the</strong> cake?)<br />

b. Alors, je la leur présente?<br />

*Alors, je la présente à eux?<br />

So, shall I introduce heraddressee (la) to <strong>the</strong>m (leur clitic / *à eux strong).<br />

c. *Alors, elle se leur présente?<br />

Alors, elle se présente à eux?<br />

So, will sheaddressee introduce herself (se) to <strong>the</strong>m (*leur / *à eux)?<br />

(French)<br />

Spanish has gone much far<strong>the</strong>r in grammaticalizing 3 rd person pronouns for polite<br />

reference to <strong>the</strong> addressee. Correspondingly, in this use its 3 rd person clitics<br />

are prevented from combining with dative clitics by <strong>the</strong> PCC, as <strong>the</strong> translations <strong>of</strong><br />

la in (389) indicate. The difference with French is <strong>the</strong> grammaticalization <strong>of</strong> 3 rd<br />

person for <strong>the</strong> addressee, <strong>and</strong> thus <strong>of</strong> interpretatively facultative [+person].<br />

(391) a. La presentaré a los estudiantes<br />

her.ACC I.will.introduce to <strong>the</strong> students<br />

I will introduce her/you (polite) to <strong>the</strong> students.<br />

b. Sei la presentaré (a los estudiantesi)<br />

SE (= 3PL.DAT) her.ACC I.will.introduce to <strong>the</strong> students<br />

I will introduce her/*you (polite) to <strong>the</strong>m (to <strong>the</strong> students).<br />

(Spanish non-leísmo system, cf. (392))<br />

Particularly common variation in facultative [+person] specification is found<br />

for 3 rd person pronouns referring to animates/humans. Some Spanish varieties do<br />

not morphologically distinguish animacy in 3 rd person clitics, 3SGF/PLM lo/los,<br />

3SGF/PLF la/las). Their 3 rd person clitics are not affected by <strong>the</strong> PCC even if referring<br />

to animates, as in French, perhaps with dialectal variation (Ormazabal <strong>and</strong><br />

Romero 2009). O<strong>the</strong>rs varieties have developed a distinct series <strong>of</strong> animate 3 rd<br />

person accusatives, particularly for 3SGM animate le vs. inanimate lo, a phe-

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